By: Rajlaxmi Deshmukh, GSDN

American President Joe Biden, Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau participated in the 10^th edition of the North American Leaders Summit also called as the Three Amigos Meet, hosted by Mexico from 9^th to 10^th January 2023.

It is a trilateral summit held to increase communication and coordination between these nations and address issues of mutual interest. This continental-level dialogue promotes a common vision of North America along with that it ensures inclusive growth and prosperity. The summit also facilitates deepening economic ties, increased investment, innovation, competitiveness, and resilience.

Trade, security, migration, climate change, economic cooperation, and drugs were the main themes of this summit.

During the 10^th North American Summit, the leaders signed a joint statement, Declaration of North America which is based on 6 pillars –

1. Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
2. Climate Change and the environment
3. Competitiveness
4. Migration and development
5. Health
6. Regional Security

Based on the first pillar the nations would work together to protect civil rights, promote social justice and protect the LGBTQIA+ community.

These countries would also coordinate towards rapid measures to tackle climate change by reducing methane emissions by 15% by 2030 from 2020 levels, under the USA’s Global Methane pledge. They together would also work for a joint transit decarbonization toolkit. A seamless EV charging experience would be provided to the people by installing EV chargers along international borders. They have also pledged to conserve 30% of the world’s land and oceans by 2030 and develop a clean hydrogen market.

A safe and humane migration would be ensured under the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection and also address the issue of illegal drug trafficking.  

The North American countries would organize 1^st trilateral semiconductor forum, it is a strategically significant industry as it is used in every electrical gadget, this forum would eventually reduce the dependence on Asia for eg- Taiwan, and would also develop a workforce for the semiconductor, ICT, and biomanufacturing industries. 

To deal with the availability and reserves of critical minerals, trilateral geological surveys would be held. For the development of students, a public-private partnership model named the North American Student mobility project would be implemented as well. There would be an increase in humanitarian aid to help people around the globe, taking into consideration the current Russia-Ukraine war or the Haiti crisis.

Along with this summit, bilateral meetings were also arranged which lead to the adoption of the Canada- Mexico Action plan which would deal in areas such as investment, gender equality, indigenous reconciliation, etc.

A renewed roadmap for the US-Canada partnership was put forth which would deal with mutual issues such semiconductor industry, supply chain, and critical mineral reserves.

This trilateral summit also called the Three Amigos Summit showcased a united front despite having tensions on the issues of migration and drug trafficking. Establishing regional security by increasing maritime cooperation, addressing illegal migration, and strengthening border security. The Summit dealt with a wide range of issues and has helped to build mutual trust among these nations which would benefit the region, the nations, and its people.

By: Hitti Chopra, GSDN

As Thailand gears up for its General Election in 2023 with parties switching and merging, the political crisis within Thailand becomes the fundamental factor that determines the country’s foreign relations. Thailand is centrally located in mainland Southeast Asia and established its diplomatic relations with China in 1975 surviving the Cold War with the American departure post-Vietnam War.

Thailand has remained strategically important for China because it serves as a gateway to ASEAN and holds a key position for its economic expansion and political supremacy.

The Belt and Road Initiative by China was introduced to advance “connectivity” between China and its neighbours and with places further afield, primarily through traditional infrastructure like roads and railways, seaports and airports, bridges and tunnels, and pipelines and canals. China “seeks greater synergy between their development strategies and jointly advance high-quality Belt and Road cooperation to deliver new results” as stressed by Beijing during talks between President Xi Jinping with Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha held during November 2022 in Bangkok. Thailand has signed both transportation and economic projects with China but they’ve not progressed much. Thai civil society has always projected a split verdict over initiatives standpoint in the kingdom. The Belt and Road Initiative might surge the Thailand’s high and rising trade deficit with China reflecting as to how China has taken over key assets in Laos in debt-equity swap building the scenic railway built on the mountain of Chinese debt.

Thailand is a constitutive part of the global value chain for manufacturing and has around $80 billion trade with China. Beijing aims to strengthen cooperation with Thailand into new fields such as the digital economy with helping the latter in Huawei’s 5G Network. Beijing’s influence can also be witnessed with China Tokamak donation to Thailand for enhancing cooperation in fusion energy research.

In 2014, the military set up a government, led by coup leader Gen Prayuth Chan-o-cha. The non-interference approach of China during 2014 coup resulted in Thai government leaning towards China, with Thailand cooperating on the rendition to China of Hong Kong dissident Gui Minhai in 2015. China has been supplying military related equipment and armaments at “friendship prices” to Thailand. According to South China Morning Post, China military ties with Thailand-a US treaty ally, has replaced the US as the top arms supplier to Thailand’s ruling military junta in recent years, providing it with equipment ranging from VT-4 main battle tanks to a Type 071E amphibious dock ship.

There have been reports that China has shown keen interest in investing in construction of Kra Canal. The construction of Kra Canal also known as Thai canal has been currently scrapped by Thai government. This could’ve been a potential game changer for China, allowing its navy to move freely in South China Sea and Indian Ocean and also putting the end to “Malacca Dilemma”.

Thailand has been the most visited international destination by Chinese travellers in 2019, welcoming around 11 million tourists. The tourism dependent economy was hit hard by Covid pandemic, leading to large scale unemployment has been again welcomed back with “arms wide open”. The return of Chinese tourists’ paves way to boost country’s economy and its tourism sector.

“China and Thailand are like one family” is often mentioned while describing Sino-Thai relations but the growing reliance on Beijing leaves restricted space for Thailand’s foreign policy to manoeuvre. The growing Chinese assertiveness in Southeast Asia has already concerned many ASEAN countries. China’s strategic cooperation with Thailand has the motive of “China’s Rise” which can be challenged by the Quad in the future.

By: Devyani Wadera, Research Analyst, GSDN

In 1923 Turkey achieved its independence under the guidance of military leader Gazi Kemal Ataturk, and in 2023 will complete a hundred years of its liberation, a history of the nation that has been marred by military coups and attempts. The overpowering military junta has directly intervened in the political arena multiple times with the most recent coup attempt in 2016. With the Turkish army’s high degree of autonomy and hegemonic powers, it has successfully managed to carry out coups in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. These coups speak of a turbulent past in Turkish history which has damaged the democratic spirit of the country and led the state to an authoritarian regime. In this article, we will be demonstrating the factors that make Turkey a military coup-prone state meaning a country that is highly susceptible to the rule of the military by overthrowing an elected government. There is a need to delve deep into the Turkish political, and historical context to realize the source of this autonomous power of the military which subsides the government.

The Turkish army sees itself as the custodian of the legacy of Kemalist ideology which propagates western style modernization and secularism in the Muslim-dominated state. It always considered itself the true defender of the unity and security of the country. Coups led by the army were not seen by them as disruptive but rather as a mechanism for them to protect secularism and keep the inharmonious forces like Islam, the Kurdish separatist movement, and sectarianism at bay. In other words, in the larger political system, the military was the symbol of nationhood built on traditional Turkish values which were ingrained in the army itself, as it laid the bricks of modernization during its initial years. This idea was instilled in the institution by Kemal himself, who stated, “Whenever the Turkish nation has wanted to take a step up, it has always looked to the army as the leader of the movements to achieve lofty national ideal. When speaking of the army, I am speaking of the intelligentsia of the Turkish nation who are the true owners of this country. Turkish nation considers its army the guardian of its ideal”. This highlights how the Turkish military was entrusted with the role of the savior in the political scenario which was to overlook the political activities and ensure the well-being of the state.

Back in 1960, the military carried out, its first coup to cool off a highly tense confrontation between the government led by Democrat Party and the opposition. The predicament took an ugly turn with the government toying with the idea of going back to a one-party authoritative regime and to rectify this situation and reemphasize democracy in the state the military intervened. From this moment it started playing a more active role in politics and reshaping it whenever it deemed necessary. For the military, the civilian rules have been polluted by corruption, low devotion to democracy, and the core values of Ataturk. By assuming the role of the watchdog, the army is an ever-present player in the political scene, waiting to restructure aspects according to its own will. The start of this was the new constitution devised by the military in 1961 which increased its political autonomy. Through legal channels, the Turkish military legalised its actions, which is evident in Article 35 of the Turkish Armed forces Internal Security law of the constitution which states “the duty of the armed forces is to watch and protect the Turkish homeland and the Republic of Turkey, which is established by the constitution.” The introduction of laws like these legitimized the authority of the military and its right to intervene in the political system at its own whims and fancies in the name of national security. This validated the responses of the army and put it on a political pedestal that gave it unhindered political freedom and undermined the democratic process in the country.

Under the garb of territorial integrity, the military legitimized its every step and with every escalating move gathered more power. The advent of the National Security Council (NSC) with the new constitution of 1961 enabled the government to wield authority over areas that were earlier controlled by civilian authorities. The forum was put in place for the military to state its opinions on issues of national security. This was initially seen as a joint venture between the civilian and military apparatus, but with every new coup, and new constitutional amendment the National Security Council (NSC) increased its legal powers and military members. This way the government took on a tutelary role within politics. The NSC started taking decisions on various matters such as the economy, the curriculum in schools, foreign policy, and abolishing the penal immunity of members of parliament from the (Kurdish) Democratic Party. Earlier the objective of the NSC was to provide the government with credible information however, this changed with the 1971 constitutional amendment which stated that now NSC will be ‘recommending’ it’s findings to the government. Article 118 in the 1982 constitution further expanded the power of the military apparatus as it stated that the government must give priority consideration and thoughts to the recommendations made by NSC. Over time, the army gained considerable executive power which superseded civilian authority and gave way to a dual executive system- civilian authority and military authority (NSC).

Another reason for its growing institutional power was that the General Chief of Army Staff appointed by the president has a higher stature than the minister of defence and many other elected officials in the government. During the war, under the 1982 constitution, the General Chief of Army Staff carries out the duties of commander-in-chief on behalf of the president. Additionally, the superior position of the General Chief of Army Staff is highlighted by its autonomy regarding matters concerning defence policy, military budget, production and procurement of weapons, and intelligence gathering. This speaks of how the Army Chief has a weighty role in influencing the politics of the nation. The army also has complete control over its military budget and the allocation of resources to different needs without much governmental interference. In addition, the military also has complete control over senior promotions and successive leaders in the army. This ensures that the military has complete control over keeping its loyalists at the top who align with their ideology and ensure the subservient stature of the government.

The recent interventions by the military were in 1997, 2007, and 2016. In 1997 the military overthrew the Islamist prime minister Necmettin Erbakan of the Welfare Party. In Turkish history, this event is referred to as a soft coup or a postmodern coup. The National Security Council issued a memorandum that was seen as the ultimatum to the welfare party. This was in response to the rising Islamist ideology according to NSC. This is a testimony to how the Turkish military considers itself the protector of the country against internal threats which are incongruent with the western style modernization that the country has adopted. Additionally, the most important element which makes the Turkish military successful in its endeavour is how earlier there was no public opposition to the military. There was no other actor in place who had the power of restructuring politics and how mostly the army was unopposed. The civilian forces did not question the power structure and the unrequired hegemony of the military junta.

However, this changed in 2016 when a coup attempt was planned by a certain section of the military junta from the Fethullah Terrorist Organisation (FETO). The Turkish military announced on its website that a coup has taken place and a curfew has been imposed all over the country. This faction referred to itself as the Peace at Home Council. The coup instigators blocked the Bosphorus bridge, took control of strategic locations in multiple cities, bombed the parliament in session, and attacked the hotel where President Erdogan was staying. According to coup plotters, they did this as they felt that democracy was eroding and Erdogan was taking the nation towards an Islamist and authoritative rule. However, this attempt was overturned by the public as they took to the streets and displayed their open defiance against the regime. Turkey saw the power of the people as they took to the streets and resisted the coup. It proves the resilience of the civilians against the authoritative rule of the army. On the night of the coup attempt, 300 deaths and 2100 casualties were reported many of which included civilians.

Here we can conclude that the reasons for the Turkish military intervening in the political sphere are deeply entrenched in historical, legal, and cultural reasons. With every successive military coup, the Turkish state has taken a hit causing a fragile democracy. However, the overturning of the coup in 2016 was a watershed event in Turkish history as it retained a moment in the nation’s history where the will of the people sustained the power of the barrel. 

By: Patted Shamanth, GSDN

Afghanistan-centric geopolitical focus began soon after the 9/11 attacks in 2001 on USA which shook the entire world as for the first time a superpower had been attacked in such a mammoth manner.

The United States and the Taliban signed an agreement on the withdrawal of the forces from Afghanistan on February 29, 2020 for the Taliban to take over power in Afghanistan and form a government. During the course of the power shift in the hands of the Taliban, many nations including India engaged with the actors of the Taliban through the backchannel for the safety assurance of their citizens who decided to flee from Afghanistan. This was the first stepping footprint of Taliban government’s legitimacy in the international order. Though no nation recognises the Taliban government but invariably many are having relations with Afghanistan in some form or the other due to the change in geopolitics.

Taliban has found itself in a vulnerable and unstable position since rising to power with regard to significant economic developments. The Taliban-led government has managed to strike an oil deal with China that was signed on January 06, 2023 between the acting Minister of Mines and Petroleum Sheikh Shahabuddin and an official of Xinjiang Central Asia Petroleum and Gas Co (CAPEIC), marking the first major public commodities extraction deal by the Taliban administration since coming to power in 2021.

The deal also paved the path for another Chinese state-owned company to engage with the Taliban-led administration over the operation of a copper mine (Mes Aynak) copper deposit near Kabul, following a $3 billion, 30-year agreement signed under the previous government in 2008. Similarly, the first-of-a-kind deal dates back to 2011 when the Hamid Karzai-led government signed a similar deal with CNPC (China National Petroleum Corporation), that allowed CNPC to develop oil blocks in the Amu Darya basin, the basin could support up to 87 million barrels of crude oil at the time, and it was anticipated that Afghanistan could produce 25,000 barrels a day by the end of 2013.

In the foreground, the 2023 deal allows the Chinese company to access the oil from an area covering 4,500 square kilometres collectively in northern Sar-e-Pul, Jawzjan, and Faryab provinces and the provisions of the deal talks about Taliban administration to be a 20% partner. This share will increase to 75% and around 3,000 Afghans will get employment. The oil will be processed in Afghanistan and the deal will be terminated automatically if CAPEIC fails to meet its material obligations within a year. However, on the contrary, the company to invest US$150 million a year which would increase to US$ 540 million in three years for the 25-year contract.

The successful and smooth implementation of this deal could be a game changer for the Taliban-led government and could possibly attract many other states who vest their interest in the estimated untapped resources of more than US$ 1 trillion in Afghanistan, which could further open up a channel for diplomacy and to build their legitimacy.

And in case this deal fails then China will join the list of nations like USA, Russia and Pakistan who have experienced defeat in Afghanistan in any of their ventures or adventures.

By: Hitti Chopra, GSDN

Japan on December 23, 2022 announced a defence budget of 6.82 trillion Yen (US$ 51.4 billion) for the next fiscal year commencing in April 2023, pushing up military spending and high social security costs. Prime Minister Fumio Kishida promised to boost defence expenditure to 2% of Japan’s GDP by 2027.

Japan since World War II has been following a pacifist defense policy making the country spend the minimum required to defend the nation. On May 20, 2021 the Japanese Defence Minister Nobuo Kishi announced that Japan would scrap 1% GDP cap on defence spending.

Globally, Japan is at ninth place for defence spending with United States, China, India, the United Kingdom, and Russia as top five spenders. The doubling of defence expenditure places Japan at third position behind US and China. The call for more military spending comes at a time of economic challenges posed by Ukraine war and increasing trends of inflation pushing the international economy to the brink of recession.

The hike in defence expenditure aims to provide Japan with a “counter strike capability” that can pre-empt enemy attacks and protect itself from growing regional security risks from the unpredictable North Korea, Russia and assertive China. “With the Japan finding itself in the midst of the most severe and complex security environment since the end of World War II as quoted by Foreign Minister of Japan, Hayashi Yoshimasa, Tokyo has adopted a multifaceted approach from defence to diplomatic ties. The country has always indicated to work with like-minded countries to address its defence, economic, technological and intelligence challenges. Hayashi Yoshimasa also said that Japan “will strive to improve the security environment surrounding Japan by steadily executing the strategic approaches such as strengthening the Japan-USA alliance, coordinating with like-minded countries and others including further promoting efforts in pursuit of realising a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific,” and engaging in diplomacy with neighboring countries and regions.

Partnering with countries will involve a number of engagements with Japan-USA-South Korea and Japan-USA-Australia trilaterals and with countries like India, Australia, Canada, the EU, South Korea, European countries, ASEAN and NATO.

Japan’s original National Security Strategy (NSS) is almost 10 years old where Japan carefully harmonised concerns posed by Chinese military and “lack of transparency in its military affairs and security policy”. The new NSS section on China is more straightforward and long mentioning China as “unprecedented and the greatest strategic challenge in ensuring the peace and security of Japan and the peace and stability of the international community, as well as in strengthening the international order based on the rule of law, to which Japan should respond with its comprehensive national power and in cooperation with [the United States], like-minded countries and others.” 

Japan in 2013 saw Russia as a prospective partner for peace and stability in Asia-Pacific and mentioned Russia as “cooperation with Russia in all areas”. Today Japan scrutinises Russia whose “aggression against Ukraine has easily breached the very foundation of the rules that shape the international order.”

The accelerated development of missile-related technology in Pyongyang area, Japan has showcased exigency regarding how “North Korea’s military activities pose an even more grave and imminent threat to Japan’s national security than ever before”. The stand on Taiwan remains consistent and more nuanced describing it as “an extremely important partner and a precious friend of Japan, with whom Japan shares fundamental values, including democracy, and has close economic and personal ties.”

The strategy adopted by Japan focusing on deterrence and maintaining peace and stability has not been welcomed by China. Despite the constant criticism that Japan strategy is a move away from its pacifist policy and reflecting militarisation. North Korea has also critiqued Japan’s strategy documents. Europe and USA have welcomed and shown support with Japan. Despite having complex relationship with its neighbour in recent years, South Korea has welcomed the counter-strike capability strategy of Japan.

Following the announcement of hike in Defence Expenditure of Japan, release of strategy documents, South Korea has also disclosed its Indo-Pacific strategy. With the strategic dynamics metamorphosing the Indo-Pacific region, it is likely that countries will come up with their own Indo-Pacific strategies.

By: Rajlaxmi Deshmukh, GSDN

Sweden took over the Presidency of The Council of European Council from Czech Republic from January 01, 2023 till June 01, 2023 and said that priority would be on issues like security, resilience, prosperity, rule of law and democratic values.

The Council is an integral part of the European Union (EU), which decides its political course and direction and sets up the priorities of the European Union. It is a decision-making branch of the EU that compromises ministers from all the member states and represents the concerns of every nation. It is an intergovernmental body, whose presidency rotates amongst member states in every six months.

After an eight-year-long rule of the centre-left party in Sweden, the conservative party has come to power with an alliance with far-right Swedish democrats under the leadership of Ulf Kristersson. As he quoted, “Sweden is taking over the presidency at a time when the European Union is facing unprecedented challenges,” in context to the ongoing war in Europe between Ukraine and Russia which is having consequences on the economies of European states. Sweden has also promised to continue the economic and military support to Ukraine and also help in rebuilding the nation.

The main themes Sweden would prioritise are Security and maintaining unity among the member states it also tries to address the issue of organised crime, terrorism, and violent extremism and to protect its citizens from the same. It will also look after the security situation in the Balkans. Another priority is Resiliencewhich would be ensured through competitiveness. It will also ensure Prosperity in the form of energy transition toward green and sustainable energy, in the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine War, Europe is facing a severe energy crisis due to which the states have felt the need to diversify their energy sources. It would promote free trade agreements with other nations and regions in response to the US green subsidies. Sweden will also try to uphold and promote the fundamental and foundational values of the European Union such as democracy and rule of law. Mitigating climate change would also be on the agenda of the council during the Swedish presidency.

Due to the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia, Europe is facing a migration crisis, the war has also affected Europe’s food and energy supply. Hence it has become necessary for the EU to have a common foreign and security policy which is on a high agenda of the EU, and most likely to happen during the Swedish presidency.

Earlier, Sweden had the tendency to keep itself at a distance from the workings and active participation of the EU, it had also voted against the use of the single currency ‘Euro.’ It would be interesting to know Sweden’s future course of action during its tenure of Presidency of The Council, and how would it respond to the current geopolitical and economic challenges, to deal with the crisis mode going on in Europe.

By: Meghali Deb, GSDN

The eastern South Asian country of Nepal, inhabited by diverse communities and religions, illustrates a vibrant history towards democratic commitments. The Himalayan country exemplified undaunted popular uprisings, Jan Andolan in pursuit of democracy on the global platform. Owing to the revolutionary movement of the Nepali population, the country witnessed a peaceful democratic transition to the multi-party system. Emboldened by the historical spirit, Nepal’s journey toward political stability is marked by constitutional perseverance, including the promulgation of the Constitution in 2015. Unlike the neighboring countries of India or China, Nepal began its political metamorphosis as recently as the 1990s and which culminated most recently in 2007 – 2015. Therefore, it is interesting to trace the main political actors and parties to the roots of epoch-making events in the history of Nepal.  In 1990 with the advent of federal democracy, the Interim Government was formed under the leadership of K.P Bhattarai, a Nepali Congress leader. 

Apart from Royal representatives, the nine-member Constitution Reform Commission comprised representatives from the two salient political parties: Nepali Congress and Communist Party.  The history epitomizes the position of the Nepali Congress and the Communist party at the core of the democratic spirit of the country. The remarkable stature of Nepal in the broader international context, especially in neighboring China and India, can be examined by employing domestic actors in its electoral politics. Therefore, the reports reveal that New Delhi’s influence emanates from the close allegiance which is fostered with Nepali Congress; on the other hand, China exerts influence on Nepal through the communist parties in Nepal – Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist- Leninist) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre).  To assess the post-election strategic relationships between Nepal and the two emerging giants of Asia – India, and China, it is pertinent to revisit the federal elections in Nepal in 2017.  Therefore, the electoral victory of CPN’s -Leftist Alliance against NC’s Democratic Alliance reveals that the 2017 elections in Nepal were largely denoted in the favor of China. On the other hand, India was forced to feel the heat of its loss of influence over the nation’s domestic and international affairs.  A series of transmuting developments at the regional and national level preceded the Nepal Elections 2017 and paved the prerequisites for Nepal Election 2022 to take place.

The events which represent imperative value in the history of Nepal include the catastrophic earthquake in Nepal, the promulgation of a new Constitution and the Madhesi conflict, and the Nepal-India border blockade in 2015. The following chain of events in the same year served Nepal’s vulnerability open to both New Delhi and Beijing for wresting their strategic dominance in the Himalayan country. India’s role in the first two events has been progressive towards reinforcing the trust of Nepal towards New Delhi, with the following steps: donating 1.54 billion (in Nepalese currency) for rehabilitating the Nepali population and also, ordering a rescue operation with the Indian Army called Operation Maitri after the destructive earthquake in 2015; Secondly, under the newly assumed leadership of Narendra Modi, laying down strategic and economic commitments with Nepal which included an emphasis on 4Cs – Cooperation, Connectivity, Culture and Constitution at the forefront and other endeavors such as the announcement of $ 1 Billion Line of Credit to Nepal, drawing the framework for a Power Trade Agreement, developments on the Project Development Agreement (PDA) between the Investment Board of Nepal and GMR Group of India for Upper Karnali Hydro projects and more. Despite the well-willed areas of partnership between India and its Northern neighbor, the relationship suffered a hostile juncture on the issue of the Madhesi tribe in the Terai region.  Let us revisit in a quick glimpse, the Madhesi controversy across the Nepal-India borders which led to the blockade of supplies from India to Kathmandu. The Medhesis are the Bhojpuri-Maithili-Hindi speaking communities living in the Terai region, who share strong cultural ancestry with India. After the promulgation of the Nepali constitution in 2015, the Madhesis based their political resentment on the claims of depriving them of political representation, compromising the framework of inclusion, alienating them by carving federal units, and imposing discriminatory citizenship provisions. The protests took strength in the form of blockades across the borders which impeded the supplies of essential materials into Kathmandu. The Nepal government unleashed a violent crackdown against the protestors as a response, which led to nearly 40 fatalities. The volatile political condition in the Terai region led to strong ‘anti-Indian’ sentiments in Nepal, since the agitation was perceived to be allegedly kindled by the Indian Government. However, there are no stronger bases for supporting the allegation because it served no strategic, diplomatic, or economic purpose to India in exerting its influence in South Asia. Instead, the relationship between India-Nepal worsened to pave the strategy for China to seep into the political loopholes of Nepal. 2017 elections saw the rise of the Left alliance as a breakthrough for China and a huge setback for India.

The relationship between China and Nepal includes many ongoing development agreements and projects-Upper Trishuli Hydropower Project-Power station, Transmission Line Projects, Food/Material Assistance in Northern bordering districts, Kathmandu Ring Road Improvement Project, and more projects. Among a multitude of projects, the most distinguishing agreement includes the Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative on 12th May 2017 which paved the way for bilateral cooperation in the mutually agreed areas. The strategic cooperation between China and Nepal is fostered on the economic front with commercial loans. The interest rate and repayment period of loans sanctioned by China’s EXIM bank to specific nations do not follow the regulations of conventional and multilateral funding organizations like the World Bank and others. Therefore, the fleeting financial transparency between the two countries of China and Nepal has led the latter to the jeopardy of a debt trap.  In the last 5 years, Nepal experienced negligible progress in culminating the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) towards the expected goal. Owing to a myriad of reasons which includes debt trap, huge displacements, and environmental degradation, not a single project has successfully been accomplished in 5 years. Triggered by the recent Sri- Lankan financial crisis, the opposition broke out in many places against the BRI initiative.  Therefore, the above-mentioned events contributed to the strategic equation between India, Nepal, and China between the Nepal Elections in 2017 and 2022 both on the economic and cultural front. On the economic front, an aversion to China’s debt diplomacy led the commercial temperament in Nepal to incline towards India.  The statement can be substantiated by the following example-the state-owned Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) sold electricity to the power exchange market of India by participating through competitive bidding.  The strategic endeavor has encouraged the private sector in Nepal towards globalized participation with India.

On the cultural front, the definition of Hindutva was rebranded and became more prominent in Nepal following the influence of the right-wing BJP in India. Records suggest that K.P Sharma Oli as the former Prime Minister of Nepal has stirred Hindu nationalist sentiments. He went on record to claim that Madi in Nepal, instead of Ayodhya, is the birthplace of Lord Ram. He also became the first communist Prime Minister to offer prayers at the Pashupatinath Temple and to donate around $2.5 million of government funds towards the maintenance of the temple. The consecutive series of events bridged Nepal’s election in 2017 and 2022, which can be derived from the current electoral outcomes. The political tug-of-war in Nepal induced intense controversies and volatility among the alliances between Deuba’s Nepali Congress and Oli’s CPM-UML. Nepal’s most recent electoral processes have induced intriguing possibilities that will play out in the country’s political destiny very soon.