Recently, the United States President Donald Trump wants to ramp up weapon sales to India especially the F-35 Jets. Trump wants to sell these fighter jets to India they’re made by US defense major lockhead Martin’s F35, is a fifth-generation jet something which India needs. Now, New Delhi is spoiled for choice here because the Russians have also thrown their hat in the ring. Russia makes the Sukhoi Su-57 jet it has offered to make it in India for the Indian Air Force.
From February 10-15th, 2025, week both Jets were showcased at Air India Show 2025 and this has never happened before anywhere in the world, the F35 and the s57 at the same event. so New Delhi has a choice to make the offensive F35 or the defensive s57 which one is better? Who will give us a sweeter deal and which jet is more suited to India’s needs?
The Russian Su-57 felon and Lockheed Martin’s F35 lightning both are advanced fifth generation fighter aircraft made by rival countries participated in the same space which India’s defense Ministry has described as historic and this moment comes at a crucial time when India is seeking to bridge its fifth-generation fighter gap. It may not be long before that happens during his high-profile meeting with prime minister Narendra Modi US president Donald Trump has extended an offer to India to purchase the F35.
Trump plans to ramp up weapon sales to India this year and this includes the US made F-35 Jets if the deal comes through India would join a small club of nations including Israel Japan and NATO states which are allowed to buy these aircraft from the US but Washington is not alone in wanting India to buy its fifth gen fighter jets so is Russia while India is a long-standing customer of the US defense industry its top supplier has historically been Russia.
New Delhi depends on Moscow for nearly 60% of its defense equipment the war in Ukraine has added doubts about future supplies but Moscow is looking to boost its defense ties with New Delhi a few days ago Russia offered to make its Su-57 in India for the Indian Air Force.
Which fifth generation Fighters is better suited for India?
The F-35 is a single engine stealth multi-roll fighter aircraft while, the Su-57 is a twin engine stealth multi-roll fighter aircraft. the F35 has a top speed of Mach 1.6 the Su 57 has a top speed of Mach 2. Both the Jets are designed to perform a variety of missions including air-to-air combat and air to ground strikes.
The F35 has a combat range of about 1,500 km while the Su 57 has a combat range of about 1,900 km but when it comes to stealth the F35 has more advanced capabilities it’s equipped with sophisticated avionics and sensor systems simply put the F35 has offensive strengths while the s57 is defensive now.
India would need to look beyond just the capabilities or the cost, all the S-57s have been produced in smaller numbers they haven’t actively participated in combat operations meanwhile, the F-35 is part of many Air Forces more than a thousand aircraft are in active service. the jet is combat proven plus India is also focusing on developing its own fifth generation Fighter (the AMCA) aircraft a single seat twin engine fifth generation stealth multi-roll combat aircraft which has become a focus.
Is India ready for air supremacy?
On Februrary 6, 2025 (Thursday), an Indian Air Force mirage-2000 fighter plane jet crashed in Madhya Pradesh, while the pilots ejected safely in time and escaped with minor injuries but what led to this crash?
The Air Force says a systems malfunction they have ordered an investigation into the crash. We know that mirages are part of an aging Indian Fleet they were manufactured by French company Dassault aviation. India bought 24 retired mirages from France not to fly them but to use them for spare parts and we are considering similar deals with Greece and Qatar. the hope is to somehow extend the lifespan of the mirages the goal was to retire them by 2030 but now they’re expected to fly into the 2040s and why is that?
The major reason is replacements which are not ready as IAF are already phasing out old Soviet Jets so they cannot retire the mirage yet the numbers won’t allow it. IAF has a sanctioned Squadron strength of 42 but only 29.5 up and running and each Squadron has around 18 fighter jets. that’s one big challenge for India’s Air Force to expand our Fleet of jets even the IAF Chief flagged it recently he lamented the delay in India’s homegrown fighter jet program. So, quantity is one problem but so is quality.
On the other side, China already has a fifth-generation fighter jet recently they debuted a sixth-generation jet as well, a futuristic stealth plane. India’s other rival, Pakistan is expanding its fleet. Reports say they will buy fifth gen planes from China.
From Stealth to Nuts & Bolts: F-35 Lighting vs Su-57 Felon
Both of these two aircrafts were designed with very different goals in mind shaped by different economic and military priorities. In reality the Su 57 works best for Russia while the F35 is more aligned with US defense needs.
The US has a defense strategy based on offensive operations, basically striking first and doing it at long range Russia on the other hand focuses more on defensive strategies mainly because of its vast borders and the need to protect its own territory from numerous adversaries.
The Su-57 is built for short range air defense and intercepting intruders in contested airspace especially near Russia’s borders it’s designed to stop enemy fighters and air strikes from breaching Russian defenses on the flip side the F35 is all about penetrating heavily defended airspace targeting enemy air defense systems and striking from long distances think of the F-35 as the US’s offensive tool while the s57 serves as Russia’s defense Shield
Who’s got the better height?
In terms of stealth both planes are stealthy but they handle it differently, the F35 as ultra-low radar cross-section of just 0.15sm making it nearly invisible to the radar it’s got all aspect stealth meaning no matter where a radar is positioned be it front-back or side it’s tough to spot. The su-57 do stealthy has a larger RCS between 0.1 and 0.5 squ/Mtr. it shines when flying head from the front it can sneak up an enemy including the F35 but if it flies into contested airspace from any other angle it’s easier to detect so the F35 has the edge in staying hidden in a wider range of situations
The Su-57s radar Suite is pretty impressive it’s got five Radars including three x-band ASR Radars and two l-band Radars.
The L-band Radars are particularly effective against stealth Fighters like F35 which are optimized to dodge x-band Radars but combining all of its radar systems the s57 can track an F35 from such farther away than one radar alone could that said the F35 isn’t entirely defenseless. it’s designed to disrupt and neutralize enemy air defenses so it could likely penetrate Russia’s multi-defense systems but if the Su-57 is in the mix, it might have better chance of intercepting an F35 in Russia’s airspace
The F35 is made for offense it can get deep into contested airspace undetected locate and identify enemy targets and pass that information to other Fighters it also has limited ground attack capabilities though it’s not as focused on that as it is on striking targets from distance
the s57 on the other hand was designed more for defensive roles it can intercept incoming threats like the F-35 and engage ground Targets in Friendly airspace but lately Russia has been upgrade trading the s57 with long range stealthy missiles giving it a bit of offensive capability as well however the F35 still holds the advantage.
So, who will win the race?
At the end it all boils down to what the IAF values more if they need more cost-effective solution, that can defend the skies and take on offensive operations from inside their own airspace the Su 57 might be the better-fit. but if India leans towards offensive capabilities the ability to strike first and the political alignment with the United States, the F35 could be worth the investment, either way it’s a tough choice each fighter brings something important to the table.
Special thanks to Jai Verma for guiding me throughout the research. His domain knowledge and technical expertise in defence technologies played crucial part in enriching the write-up.
Sri Lanka’s politico-economic trajectory has been unique and also a basket case of governance failure and (near) state collapse. In its history, it has been forced to seek IMF assistance 16 times since 1965- marking a chequered history of civil war, political assassinations, terrorism, economic challenges and constitutional crisis. The latest downturn came with COVID-19 headwinds. Factitious social relations between ethnically dominant Sinhalas and Tamil Hindus, Muslims and Christians, along with regional divide, are all well-known constituents of this postcolonial littoral Asian state. The deadly mix of social disunity, economic mishandling and political cronyism produced the latest upheaval. However, within this tale of multiple governance mistakes, there is also a jubilant reassertion of people’s aspirations and tenacity of Sri Lankan identity after the watershed 2024 elections.
The recent presidential and parliamentary elections delivered a clear break from the past by ushering in the National People’s Power (NPP) government in parliament. For the first time in Sri Lankan history, second-round ballots were counted in Presidential elections – installing the underdog Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD). The 2022 sovereign default of over US$ 50 billion was a landmark moment in Sri Lankan political and economic history, culminating in widespread structural economic woes like hyperinflation, non-availability of essentials, rapidly diminishing foreign reserves and mounting government deficits. There had been ample warning signs. Sri Lankan debt to GDP ratio rose to 115.5% in 2022 on the eve of economic collapse. Curiously, the steadily increasing Foreign Direct Investment from 2020-22, matched by a healthy inflation rate of 4.6% in 2020, rapidly metamorphosed into an economic calamity, charting a rise to 69% in 2022.
Significant trends in the elections
While the ‘Aragalaya’ movement and Gota Go Gama street protests forced President Gotabaya and Mahinda Rajapaksa out of power, India took steps to mitigate the humanitarian suffering by offering US$ 4 billion in aid, currency swaps, loan deferrals, and supply of essentials. China initially hesitated to take interest cuts on Sri Lankan loans only agreed to restructure debts after the Official Creditors Committee (of which India is a part) restructured Sri Lankan debts. While the US$ 2.9 billion loan from the IMF stabilised the economic shock, its political spillover was all but certain. Career politicians and elite parties were voted out, with the anti-systemic, pro-poor coalition NPP sweeping both presidential and parliamentary votes. India was quick to gauge the turning wheels (unlike Bangladesh) and had invited AKD months before the elections for a tete-e-tete.
As Rajapaksas fled after the economic meltdown, Ranil Wickremesinghe and his team of senior economists negotiated with the IMF and steered the path in a highly volatile situation. He had the tough task of reining in inflation and pacifying the rising public anger at the generations of political and economic incompetence. The belle of the ball – the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) party of AKD has its roots in the militant leftist movement of the 1970s with a history of opposing regional autonomy for Tamils. It and 21 other political parties inaugurated the NPP coalition in 2019. AKD won only 3.16% of the votes in the presidential elections that year, while JVP bagged only three parliamentary seats. With catapulting socio-economic conditions, its fortunes, too, have somersaulted. As it cut back on Marxist-Leninist rhetoric and rebranded itself as a pro-people progressive force in Sri Lankan politics, NPP has taken the road to political power by fielding professionals, artists, and activists against entrenched dynasts (Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya has been a university professor).
The Tamil common candidate failed to garner a majority vote in the region. Despite JVP’s opposition to devolution under the 13th amendment, AKD managed to secure second highest votes in some districts in the East, with Sajith Premdasa (opposition leader) bagging higher overall support. Further, election campaigning this season was devoid of ethnic and religious polarisation, a pleasant evolution from the low of the 2019 Easter attacks. NPP has consolidated a broad support base of governance-centrism while eschewing sectarian and communal angles. Plummeted vote shares of Namal Rajapaksa, SLPP candidate and Ranil Wickremesinghe (seen complicit in corruption and misgovernance) reflect people’s frustrations with traditional political scions.
The consultative practices followed by NPP in discussions with the electorate, IMF, and foreign countries and proposing a pragmatic 128-page manifesto area marks a fresh start from the oligopolistic and closed-door dealings of Rajapaksas. With several failing regimes in South Asia (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Myanmar) – Sri Lanka could have been added to this list. Still, it is to the credibility of a responsive domestic political system that acknowledged people’s anger and effectuated a change of guard. Post-election, AKD has already measured down on some of his demands to temper down harsh austerity measures of the IMF. But now he has to navigate promised tax cuts, increased welfare spending, and economic recovery. However, a stable and inclusive political environment is currently a ray of light for the island nation.
Messages for stakeholders
23.7% of Sri Lankan import comes from China (the largest partner), with India a close second with a 22.1% share. Significant foreign aid is tied to structural reforms for opening up and liberalising key sectors and may face resistance from traditional constituents. For example, Sri Lankan fishermen face stiff competition from mechanised Indian trawlers. Investors would do well to involve local communities in sustainable endeavours. NPP has promised to review controversial foreign projects but must also evaluate their revenue-generating potential. In view of the controversy, Adani Group quit its proposed Mannar and Pooneryn wind energy projects where the tariff, according to AKD, had been excessively priced at 8.26 cents or US$ 0.0826. A resilient economy with diversification beyond tourism and export of primary commodities (which, along with remittances, had dwindled in the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to the economy’s free fall) is the need of the hour. High tax rates and labour market issues led to the collapse of the MSME sector – its revival is critical to Lankan recovery. According to the World Bank, labour force participation continues to fall from 49.9% in the first quarter of 2023 to 47.1 % in the first quarter of 2024.
Foreign intervention was a major electoral issue, with AKD promising a balancing act between India and China. While India is funding capex like energy, connectivity, and housing projects, China is pursuing a ‘slow swallowing strategy’ with predatory foreign aid (Hambantota project and cucumber farms in Jaffna). High-interest commercial loans continue to expose Sri Lanka to external vulnerabilities and pose significant long-term credit risk. IMF’s $3 billion bailout hinges on the pruning of unsustainable debt-to-GDP ratio and policy predictability (avoiding ad hoc arbitrary straightjacket measures like introducing organic farming in one fell swoop). NPP has a golden chance to correct the social strife and disenfranchisement bred by majoritarianism and economic mismanagement and reclaim Sri Lankan autonomy in foreign dealings.
Lingering aftershocks remain, with 23.7% of households being food insecure and 26% consuming an insufficiently nutritious diet in 2023. The main pain point of net zero foreign currency reserves has been tentatively resolved with a 7.3 % appreciation of Sri Lankan Rupee between January and August 2024 and an official reserve of US$ 6.1 billion by the 2024 end. The reform measures for macroeconomic stability entailing prudential pruning methods such as tweaks in monetary policy, internal debt restructuring, market-sensitive utility pricing, and rational revenue measures have ushered in some semblance of stability and hope. Still, the sustainability and deep-rootedness of revival are questionable as much of these buds of recovery are due to inflows from partner states, increased tourism receipts and remittances. Tell-tale signs like as contraction of real wages by 16.9 and 22% between 2021 and 2024,
FDI has increased post-elections, with Japan, China, and India announcing new projects and resumption of suspended ones. After stabilisation, foreign tourist arrivals have increased by 38% from 2023, along with a rebound in remittances. However, many of its skilled professionals have been leaving the homeland – with 3,00,000 individuals migrating in 2024 alone. This brain drain can be converted from a short-term challenge to a long-term ‘brain circulation’ of rebranding the island economy as a service exporter and smoothing out the long-term economic prospects for prospective returnees. Sri Lanka has tasted ice and fire from rapacious foreign investment proposals (leasing Hambantota Port to China for 99 years) and heavy dependence on commodity exports. The contradiction in ‘comfortable’ per capita incomes (US$ 3342 in 2022 – at the height of slowdown compared to roughly US$ 2352 in India) despite being a low-income country was brought forth in this recent economic crisis. Repeated bouts of political and social turbidity further compound the structural weaknesses of the Sri Lankan economy. Coupled with the disastrous 2019-22 “homegrown solutions” or domestic economic experiments. Learning its lessons, a Financial Stability Fund was operationalised, with a Public Debt Management Office (PDMO) to be unveiled by 2025 end.
Cue for a resurgent Sri Lanka
Green shoots have been recorded, such as a low unemployment rate of 4.7% (2023) coupled with a current account surplus, increasing growth, rising remittances from abroad, and disinflation after 6 successive quarters of negative growth in 2023. The new Sri Lankan government is prioritising inclusive growth by putting women at the centre stage for economic growth (they constitute 56% of the Sri Lankan electorate). Still, it has far to go with only two women cabinet ministers in a 21-member strong cabinet. According to the Sri Lankan Central Bank’s ‘Policy Agenda for 2025’ and beyond, the tentative recovery is premised on an accommodative stance and low inflation stimulating economic activity. By bypassing crowding out of investment, the private sector could secure a much larger share of funds in 2024. To strengthen the banking sector’s resilience, Bank Recapitalisation Strategy for nine public sector banks was prepared. The dominance of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) or public sector units (PSUs) is a distinctive feature of the Sri Lankan economy (much like its dominant position in India a few years ago). The government is reportedly considering restructuring, not disinvestment, to turn around the fortunes of these SOEs.
Presiding over a turnaround, the prospects of a democratic deepening and long-term economic reforms seem vivid. This has come as a relief coming after the colossal blunders in Rajapaksa’s reign. The continual decline of tax revenue from 1991 (compounded by a 30% cut in tax demand in the 2022 budget), substantial debt liability from Chinese and private investors’ loans and the final blow of COVID-19 sealed Sri Lanka’s fate. The government then not only failed in handling the pandemic and allaying the foreign investors’ concerns in its debt repayment capacity. The rate of interests of these loans then began to rise – much beyond the government’s capacity to refinance. Even then, the Rajapaksa government decided not to approach the debtors for restructuring constructively and took an overnight ad hoc decision of banning chemical fertiliser imports ostensibly to promote organic cultivation and reduce import bill.
It can reduce dependence on foreign aid by better capitalising on its strengths – marketing itself as a multicultural tourist experience and supporting micro businesses by wellness and hospitality agents. Further, the robust migration networks and garment-tea export can be tweaked to align with global supply chains. Inclusivity and participatory growth can do wonders for this island economy. A recent Sri Lankan parliamentary debate focused on women’s unpaid role in the care economy – a positive development to re-envision the economic contributions of vulnerable sections. A similar focus on other marginalised groups like Tamils and their concerns about labour (tea industry), fishing, and land rights would also be a welcome step. The government has already promised to return Tamilian lands occupied by the government during the deadly civil war. Keeping in pace with changing times, the AKD government ushered in the digital revolution by launching the ‘GovPay’ government digital payment platform and the ‘eBMD’ system for birth, marriage, and death certificates through embassies.
The 2025 budget presented by President Dissanayake has expressed hope for a 5% growth and rising exports of goods and services worth US$ 19 billion (2025). He reported the comfortable forex reserves of December 2024 to be US$ 6.1 billion. The Sri Lankan Rupee is also trailing with a decent exchange rate – LKR 300 worth US$ 1 or INR 88.17. However, he also recognised the high cost of living and the fall in real wages. The sharp increase in poverty has been noted since the 2022 crisis, reaching 25.9% in 2023. AKD has prepared a social welfare (Aswesuma) focused spending plan focused especially on health and education without compromising IMF confidentiality of capping welfarist spending at 0.6% of GDP. This made some point that half of government expenditure has been allocated only for debt payments.
It is clear from the recent toppling of ‘democratic’ South Asian regimes that people’s trust and sound financial management go hand in hand. Sheikh Hasina’s Bangladesh was touted as a poster boy of low-income economic growth while Sri Lanka was seen as a ‘basic needs’ success story – but this strength turned out to be paper tigers. By embodying significant diversity, regional differences and cycles of economic boom and bust, Sri Lanka has narrowly escaped falling into innumerable dreadful possibilities after the Rajapaksa’s mishandling, like a military coup and civil unrest culminating in state failure. Reforms like abolishing the executive presidency, abating institutional corruption, devolution of power through implementation of the 13th amendment, able monetary and fiscal policies, and ditching the focus on ‘bigger and better’ infrastructure projects (often financed with debilitating debt-creating foreign investments) can be the goals for Si Lankan resurgence.
As India’s aerospace public sector unit – Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) faced flak over the indigenous Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Tejas Mk-1A’s delay owing to delayed engine supplies by the US engine manufacturer GE Aerospace, global engine giants could be seen displaying their cutting-edge propulsion systems at the Bangalore-based biennial airshow-Aero India.
When GE Aerospace was asked about their two-year delay in the 99 F404 IN20 engines which would power the Indian homegrown fighter LCA Tejas Mk-1A, they attributed the delay to the pandemic-related supply chain disruptions, component shortages, and logistical challenges.
For GE Aerospace, meeting the revised March 2025 deadline is crucial—not only to regain the confidence of Indian defence authorities but also to strengthen its strategic foothold in India’s defence market, as their other contract for the F414 engines to power the LCA Tejas Mk-2 and the indigenous fifth generation advanced medium combat aircraft (AMCA), also has its fate hanging in the balance. The F414 MoU (memorandum of understanding) was signed in June 2023. According to HAL CMD (Chairman and Managing Director) Dr DK Sunil, the F414 contract would have its first meeting at the end of this month in two phases, one of which is about transfer of technology (ToT), as HAL has demanded a 80 percent ToT and the second phase would be about price negotiations.
GE Aerospace Signs Contract with Indian Air Force for T700
GE Aerospace signed a five-year Performance Based Logistics (PBL) contract with the Indian Air Force (IAF) to provide a comprehensive sustainment solution for the T700-GE-701D engines powering the IAF’s fleet of AH-64E-I Apache helicopters, at Aero India 2025.
Under this contract, GE Aerospace will be responsible for the Maintenance, Repair, and Overhaul (MRO) of the T700 engines as well as flight parts to ensure engine availability to the IAF. The PBL solution is designed to streamline engine sustainment operations, improve turnaround times, and enhance the availability and operational readiness of the Apache fleet.
“We are honored to continue our partnership with the IAF through this PBL contract, which underscores our commitment to deliver reliable and innovative sustainment solutions for critical defence platforms,” said Youngje Kim, Vice President and General Manager, Asia Pacific, Defence Systems for GE Aerospace. “This agreement demonstrates GE Aerospace’s focus on supporting the IAF’s operational needs and mission readiness by ensuring the T700 engines are maintained at the highest level of performance.”
The T700/CT7 family of turboshaft and turboprop engines powers 15 types of military and civilian helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft with more than 130 customers in over 50 countries.
More than 25,000 T700/CT7 engines have been delivered and approximately 130 million total flight hours accumulated. The T700/CT7 design has proven itself in the harshest environments, logging millions of flight hours in hot-harsh combat zones like Iraq and Afghanistan.
United Engine Corporation showcases state-of-the-art Russian aircraft and helicopter engines at Aero India
The Russian United Engine Corporation (UEC), a subsidiary of the Rostec State Corporation showcased its latest advancements in aero engine technology at the Aero India airshow. The company highlighted the fifth generation 177S engine, designed for use in fighter aircraft, and the newly developed VK-650V engine, intended for light helicopters. For the first time at Aero India, UEC displayed the VK-650V turboshaft engine, which has received the Type Certificate in Russia and is ready for series production. The engine is designed to power Russian helicopters such as the Ansat and Ka-226T. Its design also allows it to be used on other helicopters and potential future airborne platforms.
A full-scale mock-up of the latest 177S fighter engine was on display at the UEC stand. The innovative design solutions implemented in this new engine ensure a significant increase in thrust while maintaining the same dimensions as the base AL-31FP engine currently in service in India on the Su-30MKI aircraft, which is manufactured locally at HAL Corporation. The 177S engine has a service life of 6,000 hours, with the potential to increase thrust if service life requirements are reduced. The 177S engine features reduced fuel consumption in all operating modes, resulting in lower operating costs.
“UEC, as part of the Rostec State Corporation, is expanding its range of aviation engines for modern aircraft and helicopters, creating new powerplants to meet customer requirements. The 177S engine is classified as a fifth-generation engine and can be installed on both previous and new-generation aircraft without any design modifications. The new VK-650V turboshaft engine can be used on both Russian and foreign light helicopters. We have already received the type certificate confirming that the engine is ready for serial production,” said Mikhail Remizov, UEC Deputy General Director for Strategy, Program-Project Management and Organisational Development.
UEC also presented the AL-55E engine for trainer aircraft. It has been specially developed by UEC for the Indian HJT-36 trainer. This engine has several advantages, in particular its modular design, which simplifies maintenance and repair and reduces operational costs.
The Joint Stock Company UEC (part of the Rostec State Corporation) is the only company in Russia specialising in the development, serial production, and service of engines for aviation, space programs, the oil and gas industry, and energy sectors. Rostec State Corporation is the largest machine-building company in Russia, bringing together over 800 scientific and production organisations across 60 regions of the country. It plays a key role in supplying armaments and military equipment as part of the state defence order.
Collins Initiative 2025: source Author
Safran selects TEAL for the production of LEAP engine turbine parts in India
At Aero India 2025, Safran Aircraft Engines, a world-leading French engine manufacturer specialising in the design, development and production of aircraft engines, and the Bangalore-based Titan Engineering and Automation Limited (TEAL), signed a contract for the production of parts for the LEAP engine’s low-pressure turbine.
This first partnership between the two companies leverages TEAL’s technological expertise and will enhance production capabilities for the LEAP in India. Production of the first parts will start in 2026.
This contract is part of the “Make in India” policy promoted by the Indian government to support the country’s aerospace growth. In this context, Safran Aircraft Engines is developing a complete industrial ecosystem in India, backed by major Indian partners to support the ramp-up of LEAP production, as well as the M88 engine powering the Rafale.
“We are proud to collaborate with Safran Aircraft Engines on this strategic project. This partnership reflects our expertise in the production of complex parts, and strengthens our position as a key player in the aerospace supply chain,” says Sridhar Neelakantan, CEO of TEAL, adding, “We look forward to applying our know-how to the production of the LEAP engine, and to contributing to its expansion in India.”
“We are delighted by this new partnership with TEAL, which marks an important step in our development in India and the setting up of local supply chains,” adds Dominique Dupuy, Purchasing VP at Safran Aircraft Engines, adding, “We look forward to working closely with TEAL, a major partner of our supply-chain in India.”
Safran Aircraft Engines is thus strengthening its footprint in India, a key market where the company already has five production sites in Hyderabad, Bangalore and Goa. A sixth site, dedicated to LEAP engine maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) activities, will open in Hyderabad in 2025. India is CFM’s third largest market in terms of the number of engines in service, with 75 percent of the Indian commercial fleet equipped with CFM engines. Today, of the 500 aircraft operated by seven Indian airlines with CFM engines, over 370 are LEAP-powered, and over 2,000 engines are on order are for Indian airlines.
In addition to the announcement of its partnership with TEAL, Safran Electronics & Defence also announced the expansion of its activities in India with the opening of a new production site for electronic cards and aeronautics and defence calculators in Bengaluru, as well as a new research and development (R&D) center in electronics.
These sites will contribute to the international expansion and exports from India of Safran Electronics & Defence in the fields of defence, space, and avionics. They will reinforce the strong ties between Safran Electronics & Defence and its Indian customers and partners by simplifying industrial schemes, especially to accelerate the availability of critical equipment.
“This double investment, a significant step in the development of Safran Electronics & Defence’s industrial and R&D activities in India, aims to enhance the competitiveness and local integration of industrial and technological activities. This project, which aligns with the government’s Make in India program, demonstrates Safran’s commitment to leveraging the skills and talents of the Indian industry while actively contributing to the industrial growth of the country,” reiterated Franck Saudo, CEO of Safran Electronics & Defence.
In Historic Partnership BEL IAI Aerosystems begin operations to support India’s Defence Forces
Heralding a new chapter in Indo-Israeli defence and security cooperation, a landmark joint venture between Navratna Defence PSU Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) announced the commencement of its operations at Aero India 2025.
The JV is a significant step towards strengthening international collaboration, paving the way for a robust strategic partnership envisaged to provide a single point of contact for extending long-term product support services for India’s defence Forces.
Incorporated on September 25, 2024, BIA is uniquely positioned as the exclusive support entity for post-warranty maintenance of India’s defence systems. This initiative leverages manufacturing capabilities and technological innovations, fostering India’s self-reliance in sync with the ‘Make in India’ vision even while delivering world-class solutions.
Beyond post-warranty maintenance, this collaboration will also lead to the transfer of advanced technological capabilities to India, enabling the development of local expertise in critical defence systems. By establishing a dedicated support infrastructure, the JV will empower India to operate, maintain, and enhance its defence systems independently. The venture’s long-term impact extends to creating job opportunities, upskilling the local workforce, and contributing to the growth of India’s defence manufacturing ecosystem, reinforcing the nation’s position as a global defence player.
Boaz Levy, President and CEO of Israel Aerospace Industries, said: “This collaboration is a historic milestone as it marks the first-ever joint company established by leading defence firms of Israel and India. It reflects the robust and flourishing relationship between the two nations, and we are excited about the significant contributions this venture will bring to India’s defence capabilities. We extend our gratitude to the tri-services for their unwavering partnership.”
“The launch of BEL IAI Aerosystems ushers in a paradigm shift in providing seamless product and life cycle support for MRSAM/LRSAM systems supplied to the tri-services. The JVC reflects the strategic partnership between India and Israel and the commitment of BEL and IAI to jointly provide state-of-the-art weapon systems and life cycle support for the Indian Defence forces”, said Manoj Jain, CMD, BEL.
Collins Aerospace, an RTX (NYSE: RTX) business, announced the launch of its Powered by Collins Initiative™ 2025 edition at Aero India. The initiative invites deep tech small- to medium-sized enterprises to work with a leader in aerospace and defence through targeted collaboration opportunities which represent technologies critical to the industry’s future. This year’s opportunities bring focus to material informatics and quantum-enabled navigation.
Collaboration opportunities represent known needs for active aerospace and defence projects and programs, where collaboration through funded, rapid development demonstration programs can accelerate deployment of solutions for customers. Since its launch in 2023, the Powered by Collins Initiative has worked with companies focused on aerospace and defence as well as companies in adjacent industries.
In addition to this year’s collaboration opportunities, Collins has expanded the program with the launch of the Powered by Collins ecosystem on Switchpitch – an online startup relationship management platform that helps to connect startups with enterprises, investors and technology accelerators.
“Innovation and Collins’ technology development needs are constantly evolving, and the Powered by Collins Ecosystem serves as a complement to our existing collaboration network, enabling Collins business teams to engage potential solution providers throughout the year. We believe this will unlock even more dynamic collaboration and rapidly provide solutions to meet our customers’ needs,” said Mary Lombardo, Vice President, Advanced Technology for Collins.
Thales and Bharat Dynamics Ltd Agree on Initial Supply of Man Portable Air Defence systems to India
European defence giant Thales and India’s Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL) will provide a first supply of Laser BeamRiding MANPAD (LBRM) Very Short Range Air Defence (VSHORAD) Missiles andlaunchers to the Indian Ministry of Defence. This is a major success, following on fromthe signing of the Partnership Agreement in 2021 between Thales and BDL to work onthe LBRM, with the support of the Indian and UK Governments.
This agreement will improve India’s air defence capabilities to enable them to enhance their national security with a highly accurate and countermeasure-resistant up-to-date technology.
LBRM, manufactured up to 60 percent in India, are short-range, man-portable, air-defence systems and optimised to provide defence against air threats, including fixed-wing fighter ground attack aircraft and unmasking attack helicopters, as well as drones.
This initial supply of High Velocity Missiles (STARStreak) and launchers will be delivered this year and represents the first time that India has received this latest VSHORAD capability. This step confirms the foundation of a long-term collaboration and manufacturing partnership between Thales and BDL. In the spirit of the ‘Make in India’ initiative, this partnership will serve the current and future requirements of the Indian armed forces.
Thales, together with BDL, is committed to the transfer of technology (ToT) of battle proven capabilities to India to equip the Indian armed forces.
This contract represents the first major agreement since the establishment of the India-UK Defence Partnership, a bespoke programme breaking down barriers to trade and offering government-to-government contracting where appropriate, further solidifying the defence and security relationship between the two nations. This contract also reflects Thales’ long-term partnership of 70 plus years with India, serving as a testimony to its continued growth.
BEL delivers 7,000th transmit/receive module to Thales for Rafale RBE2 Radar
In line with the Make in India policy, Navratna Defence PSU Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL) has manufactured the 7,000th T/R (transmit/receive) module for the RBE2 radar on-board the Dassault Aviation Rafale, and delivered it to Thales.
Thales is demonstrating its commitment to the Make in India policy through transfers of technology and production. This transfer has been growing since it was initiated in 2017 and has expanded both in scope and quantities.
Thales is an active stakeholder in the Make in India policy of the Indian Government. In November 2020, the first RBE2 AESA (active electronic scanning array) radar with a front end manufactured by BEL in India was delivered by Thales to Dassault Aviation. Four years later, BEL announced that the 7,000th transmit/receive module has been produced and delivered to Thales.
This Thales-BEL cooperation has been expanded with the start-of-the production of advanced technological microwave modules dedicated to the Rafale SPECTRA EW (Electronic Warfare) suite. AESA RBE2
Specifically developed for Rafale, the RBE2 is the first in-service European AESA radar and has been combat proven on Rafale aircraft operated by the French Air Force and the French Navy. It was developed in close partnership with Dassault Aviation and the French Defence Procurement Agency (DGA) to meet the requirements of air forces, and uses innovative technologies to combine advanced fire control radar functions and target tracking capabilities. The T/R (transmit/receive) modules are key to the RBE2 radar’s active electronic scanning performance, enabling it to steer the radar beam with the speed of an electronic chip.
Building on Thales’s 50 plus years of expertise with earlier generations of radars for combat aircraft, the RBE2 gives the Rafale a number of key advantages. Compared to radars with conventional antennas, the RBE2 delivers an unprecedented level of tactical situational awareness, faster detection and tracking of multiple targets, and can also implement several radar modes instantaneously. Thales and Bharat Electronics Limited are long-standing partners with several technological collaborations to their credit. The manufacturing of T/R modules by BEL for Thales’s RBE2 radar is a key reference, and the recent delivery of the 7,000th T/R module, a remarkable milestone.
“This achievement not only reflects our collective commitment to; Make in India but also highlights the successful transfer of technology and production, with BEL meeting the highest international standards of industrial excellence. We will continue to develop cutting-edge technologies and strengthen local capabilities in India to further contribute to the Aatmanirbhar Bharat vision”, said Pascale Sourisse, President and CEO, Thales International.
“We are proud to have successfully delivered the 7000th T/R module for the RBE2 radar to Thales. This marks a significant step in our partnership with Thales and underscores our dedication to enhancing India’s defence capabilities. Through our close collaboration with Thales, we continue to implement world-class industrial practices and develop advanced technological expertise in line with the ‘Make in India’ initiative,” said Manoj Jain, Chairman & Managing Director, BEL.
At the 15th edition of the Bengaluru-based biennial airshow- Aero India, India’s govt-run defence agency Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) launched its homegrown ‘Íron Dome’, called the ‘Rakshak-Suraksha Kavach’, which was showcased for the first time at this year’s Republic Day parade.
The complete system which is still in design stage is awaiting Government sanction, but Project Director of the system Dr PS Pandian said that it could be put together in no time as all systems in the Kavach were indigenous.
The Kavach is intended to secure high-end installations and assets covering a range of 250 kilometers. The Raksha Kavach is a comprehensive, multi-layered defence system developed by the DRDO and it integrates advanced military technologies designed to safeguard India against threats across land, air, and underwater domains. For multi-layered protection against multi-domain threats the Kavach comprises the Quick Reaction Surface-to-Air Missile, Airborne Early Warning & Control System, 155mm/52 Cal Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System, Drone Detection, Deterrence & Destruction System, a Satellite-Based Surveillance System, Medium Power Radar – Arudhra, Advanced Lightweight Torpedo, Electronic Warfare System – Dharashakti, Laser-Based Directed Energy Weapon Very Short-Range Air Defence System, Indigenous Unmanned Aerial System, V/UHF Manpack Software Defined Radio for Land Forces, Indigenous Secure Satellite Phone and the UGRAM Assault Rifle.
ADA signs MoU for the development of Flight Control Actuators for AMCA programme
In a significant milestone along the sidelines of Aero India 2025, in Bangalore, an MoU (memorandum of understanding) for Development of Flight Control Actuators for the AMCA (advanced medium combat aircraft) programme was signed between the Govt-owned Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA), and Godrej & Boyce Manufacturing Company Limited, Mumba, a part of Godrej Enterprises Group, which includes precision manufacturing along with procurement of aero grade raw materials. This would enable ADA to force multiply the human resource and advantages built in Indian industries and ensure that the timelines of the programmes are met.
The Godrej& Boyce Manufacturing Company Limited., had been associated with ADA for over two decades in developing the components for flight critical DDV based servo actuators and associated functional elements. ADA had nurtured Godrej in developing these state-of-the-art actuators while Godrej established the precision manufacturing technologies, processes and skillset along with the assembly and testing required to build such high precision parts for the actuator assemblies. Godrej have completely developed build to print capabilities for these actuator assemblies and have established the core competence to take this technology further.
Godrej & Boyce is an Aerospace business house, actively engaged in manufacturing of critical systems used for space applications, defence and aircraft sectors for national programmes and global customers. Starting with precision machined components for ISRO in 1985, today Godrej manufactures Liquid Propulsion Engines for ISRO launch vehicles, missile sub systems for defence, engine modules, flight control actuators and hydraulic pumps, tubing, complex fabrication and composite structural parts for aircraft platforms.
India’s indigenous Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Mk-1A, manufactured by the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) made its spectacular debut atop the Bengaluru skies at the 15th edition of the biennial airshow Aero India 2025, enthralling the vast audience comprising representatives from 80 nations at the Yelahanka Airbase.
Four Mk-IA aircraft flew in ‘finger four’ formation called ‘Yodha’ formation. The Mk IA second prototype did an amazing aerial display in front of the spectators. The Mk-IA, also called the ‘Alpha,’ is a more capable and significantly upgraded aircraft slated to be a part of the Indian Air Force (IAF) in the coming months.
The upgrade includes a new sensor suite, new more capable Mission and Digital Flight Control System, new weapons, net centric capability and Astra BVRs apart from Precision guided weapons. IAF has placed an order for 83 aircraft on HAL. The lead aircraft are poised to get Military Type Certificate and enter service.
The Mk-1A is an enhanced version of the Mk-1, which is already in service with the IAF. The LCA program is poised to be a key pillar of India’s air combat capabilities, with the IAF projected to operate around 350 LCAs—including Mk-1, Mk-1A, and Mk-2 variants—over the next decade and beyond.
The LCA Mk-1A induction into service is facing delays over engines from the US-based manufacturer GE Aerospace, on which HAL Chief Dr. DK Sunil said, “We have assured the IAF at multiple meetings that all Mk-1A structures will be ready. Once the engines arrive, production will commence.”
HAL is actively working to resolve the engine supply issue. Two major contracts—one for 97 additional Mk-1As and another for 156 light combat helicopters for the IAF and the Army, valued at $15BN are expected to be finalised within the next three to six months. HAL is committed to deliver all 83 Mk-1As from the first order within three-and-a-half years and aims to complete the upcoming 97-aircraft follow-on order by 2031.
HAL CMD Dr. Sunil announced that the company’s current order book stands at $15 billion, with key contracts including 156 ‘Prachand’ multi-role light combat helicopters and 98 Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Tejas Mk-1A fighter jets. Looking ahead, HAL aims to expand orders to $23 billion by outsourcing sub-assemblies to private players, ramping up production lines, and achieving its target of manufacturing 24 aircraft per year by 2026.
Yashas unveiling: source Author
HAL’s Upgraded Hindustan Jet Trainer (HJT) 36 Unveiled as ‘Yashas’
The flagship jet training aircraft of HAL, Hindustan Jet Trainer- HJT-36, is now renamed as ‘Yashas’ after extensive modifications to resolve departure characteristics and spin resistance throughout the aircraft envelope. Secretary Defence Production, Sanjeev Kumar, unveiled the new name in the presence of Dr D K Sunil, CMD, HAL and senior officers at Aero India 2025 in Bengaluru.
“The large-scale changes to the baseline intermediate training platform has led to significant upheaval in its capabilities and hence provided an opportunity for a new name to be given in accordance with the aircraft’s continued relevance as a training system for modern military aviation. In light of this, HJT-36 is named Yashas”, said Dr Sunil.
For induction into service, the aircraft was recently upgraded with state-of-the-art avionics and an ultra-modern cockpit. These will enhance training effectiveness and operational efficiency, whilst providing weight reduction and overcoming obsolescence of imported equipment with Indian LRUs.
Yashas is capable of stage II pilot training, counter insurgency and counter surface force operations, armament training and aerobatics. It is powered by a FADEC controlled AL55I jet engine, providing best in class thrust to weight ratio, optimised thrust management and reliability. Stepped up rear cockpit with drooped nose provides excellent all-around vision and enhanced situational awareness with state-of-the-art glass cockpit with MFDs (multi-functional display and HUD (head up display). The capabilities of HJT-36 are stall and spin, aerobatics, armament carriage up to 1000kg, single point ground refueling and defueling.
The HAL Management Academy (HMA), the nodal training agency of HAL and the Indian Institute of Information Technology Dharwad (IIIT Dharwad) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to strengthen industry-academia collaboration in advanced technologies, at Aero India.
The partnership will focus on joint research, internships, and technical education in areas such as Artificial Intelligence, Data Science, Robotics, AR/VR, and Digital Manufacturing, particularly in applications relevant to the aerospace and defence sectors. Under this MoU, HAL officers will have opportunities to pursue higher education programs at IIIT Dharwad, while students will gain hands-on experience through internships at HAL’s various divisions. The collaboration also includes joint workshops, technical paper publications, and faculty exchange programs.
The global trade landscape has taken a hit over, the US president Donald Trump announced sweeping new tariffs hitting imports from Mexico China and Canada. He’s also suspending the D-Minimis exemption for Chinese Imports, this exemption previously allowed small value shipments under $800 to enter the US duty-free.
Why the suspension?
Trump’s Administration cited National Security concerns with China, Mexico and Canada all under scrutiny the US is battling a deadly opioid crisis with fentanyl linked to 75,000 overdose deaths in 2023. Trump believes China and Mexico are supplying the chemicals used to make these synthetic opioids, by tightening trade rules he aims to enhance screening and crack down on illegal drug inflows. Platforms like Sheen and Temu have been shipping products directly to the US consumers without tariffs, therefore removing D-Minimis exemption forces Chinese importers to pay up levelling the playing field for US businesses.
Trump argues that the US has been losing billions of dollars due to unfair trade practices, his message make it in the United States or pay the price. Canada and Mexico retaliated with their own counter tariffs including 25% tax on US$ 30 billion worth of US goods while Beijing is preparing to challenge Trump’s move at the World Trade Organization signalling that more economic retaliation could be on the way.
Stock markets have dropped sharply across the globe amid fears of a full-blown trade War, the US dollar is strengthening while the Mexican peso, Canadian dollar and Chinese yen are falling even cryptocurrencies are affected with Bitcoin down over 4% now. Trump has hinted at tariffs on the European Union claiming unfair trade imbalances but for now the UK is spared.
Long-Term Impact on US-Canada Relations
The Bank of Canada just made its first-interest rate decision since a trade war with the US became a real possibility, they cut their overnight interest rate (a quarter % point) which is great news for borrowing money but they also acknowledged that a storm may be coming.
“We will tariff and tax foreign countries to enrich our citizens” was Trump’s promised tariffs have the potential to throw Canada’s economy into a tail spin tariff in the case of retracted significant trade conflict it would badly hurt economic activity in Canada. There is still a ton of uncertainty about how this will play out but the Bank of Canada did lay out a worst-case scenario. The Bank of Canada predicts that this would cause a significant decline in the volume of exports from Canada to the US which makes sense because tariffs are just taxes paid for by the businesses doing the buying. So if American companies suddenly have to pay more for the same Canadian goods because there’s a 25% tax on everything. In first case, Canadian might decide to buy less stuff to avoid the tariffs all together.
What tariffs do?
The more expensive product make come up with ways of finding something cheaper, efficient and closer to home (decrease anybody’s willingness to buy). If demand starts decreasing for Canadian exports the net value exports could drop too, when less demand for product the price of that product falls as well and Bank of Canada is mentioning that would happen here whether anyone exporting to the US or not.
The Bank of Canada’s next prediction according to these factors could cause Canada’s GDP to fall pretty significantly they acknowledge that the government could mitigate this by taking some of that tariff money that they start charging and pumping it back into the economy either to businesses or consumers themselves but still this would have a very material effect would have a very severe effect on economic activity. The Bank of Canada has cryptic opting not to give any real indication as a lot of uncertainty and it just didn’t seem very useful to provide guidance and when exactly how that’s going to play out through the economy, the Bank of Canada cutting interest rates when the economy weakens because if lower rates make it cheaper for Canadians to borrow money which makes it more likely that they’ll spend money and that can help stimulate a struggling economy, but it’s not so simple because it’s about higher prices at the same time growth will be weak inflation will be higher because that’s the direct impact of tariffs when commodities like fruits and vegetables get more expensive (inflation).
How will the markets be impacted?
The immediate impacts for his tariffs target Canada, Mexico and China. These are the top three exporters to the United States. Canada sends them oil, gas, aluminium. Mexico sends computers wiring and medical instruments as both Nations send cars and auto parts.
As per 2017 Canadian govt report talks about the interconnected auto manufacturing situation car parts across the US-Canada border six times before a vehicle is finished but what happens when blanket tariffs are in place then each of these transfers attracts an additional fee raising the price of the car multiple times over, and basically destroying the industry in its current form. It’s a similar situation with Mexico raw materials go to the US they are turned into parts then sent to Mexico for assembly and the final cars are then sold back in the US. This system will break too and this is just the automobile sector. The agricultural sector in both Mexico and Canada are intrinsically linked with the US as well
The Canadian agricultural ministry describes a typical American breakfast wheat grown in Canada processed in the US cranberries grown in Canada processed in the US same with oats strawberries and pork this breakfast plate does not work without free trade not in the current prices at the current prices anyway with Trump’s incoming tariffs and then Trudeau’s retaliatory ones the price of this all American breakfast will go through the roof in the short run anyway the us could try and substitute its dependence on Canadian agricultural goods. Maybe Americans can do without the famous Canadian maple syrup but the concern of tropical food from Mexico bananas and tomatoes and the controversial avocados which can’t grow in the American climate not at the same scale 63% of US vegetable imports come from Mexico about 50% of all fruits and nuts as well they come from Mexico. So with the new tariffs Americans should get ready for a less healthy diet or be prepared to shell out far more prices will almost certainly rise and it’s not the exporting countries that will bear them tariffs are paid by importers in the United States the people importing the cars, fruits, wood, oil these are US-based entities they will pay a fee to the US government to sell these products in the US market.
What usually happens is that they pass on the costs to the end consumers the customers the average American people basically it’s a new domestic tax American money will make its way to the government offers just because they want to keep eating (Mexican tomatoes) there are a lot of counterarguments to this one is that people will opt for domestic Goods instead they will buy.
American another argument is that the importing companies will take a hit on their profits they will absorb the Tariff costs not pass them on to customers both these arguments rely on a fair retail corporate benevolence think about it why wouldn’t a domestic car company hike their own prices foreign cars just got more expensive an American company can also raise their prices by just a little less than their foreign counterparts
The domestic company will start raking in extra profits while still being marginally more competitive than the foreign brand either customer who loses and the second argument about importers absorbing the Tariff costs which company do bet on to do that which company is so kind as to take a profit hit to Shield American customers
The last argument in support of tariffs is the US dollar price the US dollar value will surge it’s already happening tariff supporters say this automatically makes foreign Goods cheaper countering the inflationary effects of tariffs this also helps improve trade deficits. Now, this argument also relies on an assumption that the dollar value will rise in proportion to the costs neatly cancelling out any price Rises but really when does anything happen.
So, the dollar value increase will help soften the blow but it probably won’t erase the effects completely meanwhile the dollar rise affects the rest of the world take India for example, the rupee has hit a record low it fell below 87 Rupees to a dollar, this means India’s imports got more expensive and exports became less valuable. Almost every country will experience this without deals to trade bilaterally in local currencies. Many countries are at the mercy of dollar fluctuations but local currency deals come with their own risks.
Trump has threatened tariffs on countries who ditch the dollar BRICS nations could face 100% tariffs he said and this includes India. so all software and service sales to the US could suddenly become uncompetitive so far Donald Trump has just targeted Canada Mexico and China his next Target could be Europe and then possibly the BRICS Nations basically everyone that the US runs trade deficits with everyone exporting things to the United States. So, until unless the world finds a way to bypass the US, many are in for a rough.
The Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar outrightly rejected calls for an Asian NATO, reaffirming that Indian foreign policy calculus does not count alliance building as a foreign policy tool. Similar responses were made from South East Asian capitals with even the US seemingly reluctant. This development comes even as US ambassador to Japan Rahm Emmanuel had proposed a North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) like grouping to resist Chinese “economic coercion”. A prominent reason to eschew coordinated actions is that different security perceptions and dependencies vis-à-vis China preclude harmonised actions resisting predatory policies. For Euro-Atlantic countries, a “quartet of chaos” (Iran, Russia, China, and North Korea) are systemically pushing the envelope on security concerns.
China’s grey zone tactics in geopolitical and geoeconomic spheres entail the use of hybrid coercive diplomacy. Rasmussen Report presented at the 2022 NATO summit sketched an economic NATO highlighting the link between strategic and economic interests in the background of retreating globalisation. It suggested the inclusion of an “economic guarantee” in NATO’s architecture with options including direct and indirect sanctions and import tariffs. Other measures may include blacklisting of firms, especially State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), coordinated WTO action, and favourable market coordination with partner economies.
Rudiments of this policy are already in operation, pursued by different states. Several Western states deny technology and dual-use exports to Russia and China. European Union (EU), China and the US pursue punitive economic sanctions to reign in adversarial nations. Even protectionist measures of the developed world under net zero commitments can be construed as penalising growth for developing countries. When former UK PM Liz Truss suggested an economic NATO to ‘collectively defend our prosperity’, she probably did not have the global south as a target in mind, which is struggling to respond to a disproportionately higher burden of climate change impacts and socio-economic needs of burgeoning populations.
NATO in 1949 had established a Coordination Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (Co Com) to stymie the availability of military-grade technology to Warsaw Pact members. But the marriage of strategic imperatives with economic measures has weaponised trade, something especially milked by China. The flag follows trade as the state of the economy has political and social colours. This is clear in the Ukrainian war, where the Russian war economy is sustaining itself with a little (or a lot) of help from friendly states while the West attempts to weaken it.
China’s grey zone tactics in geopolitical and geoeconomic spheres entail the use of punitive diplomacy. Its irridentist area denial measures in the South China Sea fall short of inviting war but have the region at the edge. It had blatantly used strong-arm tactics using economic coercion when it banned Norwegian salmon imports after the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Chinese dissident Lio Xiaobo. It has pursued retributive measures against countries in the Pacific and in Europe (Lithuania) when they attempted to strengthen ties with Taiwan. Another illustration is Russia’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ in blocking grain shipments from Odesa port. The isolationist measures of the West to weaken Russian, Venezuelan and Iranian economies are already in operation, albeit with questionable success.
NATO as a collective defence alliance is widely seen as a remnant of Cold War bloc politics, which has no place in an interconnected and interdependent world. But the weaponisation of geo-economical tools is also a reality. Countries, including India, are racing to brace and shield their economies from China Shock 2.0. The infiltration of cheap Chinese exports in electronics, iron and steel, and Electric Vehicles (EVs) is deepening economic chaos across the world as job losses and industrial disruptions amount.
Sophisticated cyber-attacks, surveillance infiltration in technology products (Huawei-5G controversy), and social media manipulation of election results point to a messy cocktail of new-age warfare. Economic NATO is relevant not only for Euro Atlantic engagement with China and Russia but also in India’s neighbourhood. Iran is using Houthis as a proxy to disrupt trade by attacking vessels supposedly affiliated with Israel and the West. China’s String of Pearls threatens India’s territorial integrity; its vast trade imbalance and routing of exports to ASEAN to dump goods is hurting the Indian economy.
While alliance building and camp politics are relics of the past, strategic pluri-laterals like QUAD, Supply Chains Resilience Initiative, and Minerals Security Finance Initiative to redirect control, supply and benefits from resources of future to trusted geographies, lattice-like structures for cooperation proposed by President Biden are key for US to secure partnerships in a world that increasingly seeks strategic autonomy. Decoupling and friendshoring are new foreign policy maxims as there is a reworking of Clausewitz’s dictum to economics is a continuation of war by other means. China is entangling India’s neighbours into coils of indebtedness, siphoning off strategic assets.
An article in Global Times concludes that securitisation of Asia with a NATO-like structure is difficult, ‘economic NATO’ even more so. China’s paranoia at the prospect of facing collective punitive actions for its maritime intransigence in the South China Sea is clear when it called QUAD “ocean froth”. However, as a bulwark, as the largest trading partner to many countries in Asia, Africa, Europe, Pacific – it has deeply institutionalised trade and investment networks. It claims that Europe’s autonomy has been compromised by its dependence on the US for security and economy, while South East Asia, especially ASEAN, values its autonomy and independent foreign policy manoeuvrability as seen most recently in the balancing act between China and Western allies by the new Vietnamese administration.
And yet, China’s dominance in key industries has enabled it to coordinate the use of informational, economic and economic tactics to pursue a rebalancing strategy both at home and abroad. It selectively limits or bans exports of critical raw materials that its adversaries are dependent on – careful not to upset the supply chains, which it yet does not have full control of.
Its “dual circulation” seeks to liven up consumer appetite and boost demand within. The endgame seems to be to create an economic security architecture to bind dependent and client states with its own strategic goals. The three global initiatives, namely, the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative (GSI), and the Global Civilisation Initiative (GCI), are constituents of a meta-diplomatic exercise to lay the ideational foundation of the next Great Power. Such partnerships are lucrative to shady autocratic rulers who resist democratising and need a deep-pocketed financier to bail them out of gross economic mismanagement.
Proposals ranging from D10 (G7, Australia, India, South Korea), a German suggestion of the ‘Alliance of Democracies’, Treaty of Allied Market Economies underscore the need for sustained and collective actions against the use of penal economic policies. This goes the other way, too, as Indian companies made windfalls trading with Russian oil bypassing SWIFT. Even as some members of NATO pursue divergent foreign policies, there is no hard and fast rule that an economic Article 5 will constrain legroom for policy motility. India is already navigating its economic goals within strategic bottlenecks created by geoeconomic disruptions by economic mini-laterals. India has a case to balance economic ties with the West while advocating for a more egalitarian economic order- a delicate act since it needs to resist attempts to promote Renminbi within BRICS while pursuing de-dollarisation.
This is why commitments of ‘one for all, all for one’ in the economic sphere seem implausible at the moment for India. But a low-hanging fruit in the context of the Indo-Pacific is rule-based regulatory regimes to foster just multilateral lending practices, responsible AI, and climate-sensitive growth could be the way forward. The non-compete clauses with partner nations, restrictions on procurement from aggressor’s firms (Press Note 3), and export controls are some of the suggested means. While pacts and alliances are a thing of the past, the VUCA world is witnessing disorder and chaos while the currency of multilateralism weakens. The IMEC corridor, if it survives the Israel-Gaza conflict, will be a shot in the arm for India and its partners. The demands of Industrial Revolution 2.0 call for a green-clean-AI transition needing collaboration with concurring states to gain a foothold in global supply chains and evolving strategic reworking of world order.
Whether an economic NATO could be possible in a Trump Presidency is a moot question. Overlapping memberships of mini-laterals in the Indo-Pacific have created mind-boggling geopolitical permutations. For instance, Indonesia is a member of SQUAD, China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and BRICS+, with all three groupings espousing some agenda that is contrary to the other two’s goals. SQUAD strives to maintain the US-steered hegemonic balance of power in the Indo-Pacific, whereas BRICS+ aims to upend it. Despite the US being in a pseudo security alliance QUAD with India, it has threatened 100% tariffs were it to pursue a BRICS currency plan. Another more serious problem is that President Trump considers “tariffs as the most beautiful word in the English language”. He aims to disrupt the liberal internationalist agenda of globalised trade networks and politico-economic collaborations that are the bedrock of US hegemony abroad.
Decades of tangible cooperation and goodwill is wiped off by bombastic tirades and threats of punitive measures on long-term allies – fastening the demise of US preponderance. For US allies and partners, one of the very first acts of the Trump administration to withdraw certain federal aid domestically and internationally questions the rationale of investing in building connections with the US. If there is no systemic stability or long-term returns built into cultivating and maintaining beneficial relationships, any multilateralist idea like economic NATO will remain only a mere idea. As ‘America Comes Home’ and seeks retrenchment and internal balancing to counteract competitor states. Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently lambasted China for having “lied, cheated, hacked, and stolen their way to global superpower status, at our (the United States’s) expense”. The so-called Peaceful Rise was just a garb to hide behind the Deng Xiaoping dictum of ‘hide your strength and bide your time’. Having arguably milked the architecture of globalisation to its fullest possible extent, the nature of the China threat, whether limited China capturing global manufacturing spaces or broader seismic shifts with repercussions in the fundamental balance of power, should be probed. The ‘AI Sputnik’ moment of DeepSeek shaking the core of American tech hegemony is a wake-up call that there is a vast gulf between real and reputational economic dominance. By building a foundational LLM model from scratch and using less advanced computing chips – China has planted a volte-face to elaborate sanctions and the technology denial regime of the United States.
The idea of economic NATO sounds like a geoeconomic tool per se but actually is a potent geopolitical counter to disruptive and revisionist forces. By privileging a transactional approach to international relations, the Trump Presidency may do more harm than simply a lame-duck agenda of business as usual. And yet, there are green shoots. A nuanced analysis of Trump 1.0 brings to light, bold cooperative experiments that could if pursued proactively, offer a holistic counterbalance to China’s threat. For countries like India – favourable relations with China and Iran are a must, complicating its participation in any such US-led attempt to ‘punish’ the Russia-Iran-China trilateral. For other US partner states, unilateralist and frankly illegal measures of demanding sovereign territories like Panama, Greenland, or even Canada itself is not only a contravention of international law but irreparably harms the reputational aspect of US leadership.
What, then, are the prospects of an economic NATO? Should we in India be asking more fundamental questions of whether we can afford to openly align against a (group of) country(ies) when we are heavily import-dependent in several critical sectors like oil and natural gas, pulses, solar modules, EV batteries to name a few sunrise focus areas. Instead of relying on ad-hoc and knee-jerk protectionism by eschewing trade deals like CPTPP because they harm nascent domestic industries or even mixing geopolitics with economics (as in economic NATO) – India might mollycoddle and ‘save’ some elements of the Indian economy. But it cannot rely on the friendly umbrella of like-minded countries to trade with as trade and economic policy tools are increasingly weaponised by not even sparing close affiliates. The hard way forward of next-generation political-economic reforms to ignite the animal spirits and strengthen economic resilience and competitiveness is the only way forward which can be supplemented by geo-economic partnerships.
Autonomous weapons are weapons that use Artificial Intelligence (AI) technology to attack its target, they can make decisions and act on their own without needing any human intervention and decide when to shoot a weapon and which direction to move. These weapons are pre-programmed to kill a particular “target profile” using sensor data such as movements or facial recognition after being deployed into an environment and the moment the algorithm matches; it fires and kills the target. The use of AI development and innovation aimed to create programs like human enhancement and lethal autonomous weapon systems to decrease the overall risk to soldiers. According to the US Congress, “artificial intelligence” refers to a machine-based system capable of making predictions, recommendations, or decisions that affect the real world, based on a set of objectives defined by humans.
The main benefit of autonomous weapons is their ability to perform their task with utter precision that is too with minimum collateral damage and human casualties and do not need any human support to get it done. It is like once it is operated with human help the rest of the task will be carried out on its own without any support. Considering the potential of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML) in making predictions and informed decisions, along with robotics and autonomics, the future of battlefield tactics for soldiers is poised for significant change.
Yet, these advantages can also present significant challenges and raise concerns, particularly regarding the use of autonomous weapons. On keen consideration, weapons that rely on algorithms to make lethal decisions without human oversight are not just immoral but also pose a serious threat to national and global security.
IMMORAL: Algorithms cannot understand the worth of human life; therefore, they should never be entrusted with the authority to determine who lives or dies. United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres concurs that machines possessing the capability and autonomy to end lives without human intervention are politically unacceptable, morally abhorrent, and ought to be prohibited under international law.
THREAT TO SECURITY: Algorithmic decision-making enables weapons to operate with the speed, cost-effectiveness, and scalability of software. This could have highly destabilizing effects on national and international security, as it introduces risks such as proliferation, rapid escalation, unpredictability, and the potential development of weapons of mass destruction.
LACK OF ACCOUNTABILITY: “Who is responsible?” handing over these autonomous weapons always raises this question, if anything goes against the ethics considering their tendency and unpredictable nature then who shall be considered accountable for the use and action of force?
To address these concerns and risks associated with autonomous weapons, there are legal and ethical frameworks to govern their use. As with those efforts, to regulate the use of autonomous weapons International Committee on the Red Cross (ICRC) suggests that states should follow certain rules and legal implications to avoid great loss.
Autonomous weapons that are hard to read which implies their designs and effects are too complex to understand, predict and explain should be banned. This encompasses weapons that acquire knowledge about their targets during operation, potentially extending to all autonomous weapons controlled by machine learning algorithms.Top of Form
Autonomous weapons that are intended to attack people directly should be prohibited, both in their use and design.
Lastly, there is a strong need for strict restrictions on designing and usage of autonomous weapons that do not comply with law and other ethical concerns to mitigate the risks mentioned above.
Overall nature of warfare is evolving, with the machines now able to make decisions on the battlefield that were previously solely within the purview of humans. However, this shift does not diminish the importance of human control over using autonomous weapons. International humanitarian law (IHL) mandates that humans must be able to directly intervene in the operation of weapons systems during an attack. This requires ensuring accountability, oversight, and the ability to make nuanced decisions in complex and unpredictable combat situations, thereby safeguarding against potential violations of IHL and ethical considerations.
This perspective is grounded in the idea that humans are fundamentally responsible for the legal and moral obligations regarding the conduct of warfare. The Group of Governmental Experts on Emerging Technologies in the Lethal Autonomous Weapons System (GGE) expressed the stance in guiding principles (c) of its 2019 Guiding Principles.
“Human-machine interaction, which can vary in its forms and implementation throughout a weapon’s life cycle, should ensure that the potential use of autonomous weapons systems (AWS) complies with relevant international law, particularly international humanitarian law. When determining the quality and extent of human-machine interaction, several factors should be taken into account, including the operational context and the characteristics and capabilities of the weapons system as a whole.” This quote is from the ‘Report of the 2019 Session of the Group of Governmental Experts on Emerging Technologies in the Area of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems’ by the Group of Governmental Experts on Emerging Technologies in the Area of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems, dated September 25, 2019.
Human intervention would involve a variety of actions by an operator, traditionally linked with operating a weapon. These actions could include manually selecting a target, firing a weapon, stopping an attack, or other activities that are legally significant. To take a present-day example, Israel’s Aerospace industry ‘Harpy’ loitering munition automates several tasks that would require direct human intervention. These tasks include assessing potential enemy radiation signatures, aiming the munition at the radiation source, and stopping an attack if circumstances change. These tasks are still carried out as part of the attack process by the operating state through Harpy’s control system software, but not directly by human operators.
The ethical implications of autonomous weapons underscore the urgent need for international cooperation and regulations. The United Nations (UN) emphasizes the necessity of clear restrictions on all forms of autonomous weapons to ensure compliance with international law and ethical standards. These restrictions should encompass limitations on where, when, and for how long autonomous weapons can be deployed, the types of targets they can engage, the level of force they can exert, and the requirements for effective human oversight, intervention, and deactivation.
Despite increasing reports of testing and deployment of various autonomous weapon systems, it is not too late to take action. Over more than a decade, discussions within the United Nations, including in the Human Rights Council, the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, and the General Assembly, have laid the groundwork for explicit prohibition and restrictions. Now, states must build upon this foundation and engage in constructive negotiations to establish new rules that effectively address the real threats posed by these weapon technologies.
In conclusion, the development and deployment of autonomous weapons present profound ethical and security dilemmas that require immediate global attention and regulations. While these weapons offer potential advantages in terms of precision and reduced risk to military personnel, their capacity to make life-and-death decisions independently raises significant risks.
International collaboration is indispensable in establishing clear regulations and prohibitions on autonomous weapons to ensure adherence to international law and ethical standards. Initiatives such as those proposed by the United Nations and the International Committee of Red Cross, aimed at prohibiting certain types of autonomous weapons and imposing strict restrictions on others, are crucial steps forward.
States must take decisive action to tackle these challenges and avert the destabilizing impacts that autonomous weapons could have on global security. Upholding principles of human dignity and accountability in warfare is paramount. It is essential to ensure that technological advancements serve to enhance, rather than endanger, the safety and well-being of all individuals, both on and off the battlefield.
Book cover of “Why Kunan Poshpora”?: source Authors
Young writers Komal Verma and Haroon Imtiaz from Jammu and Kashmir are set to release their book, “Why Kunan Poshpora”? which presents an alternative perspective on the controversial 1991 mass rape allegations against the Indian Army.
The book, expected to be published in March 2025, challenges long-held narratives and aims to uncover what the authors believe is the real story behind the incident. The duo spent two weeks in Kunan Poshpora, interacting with locals and gathering firsthand accounts.
According to them, many villagers claimed that no cordon-and-search operation took place in Poshpora on the night of February 23-24, 1991. Instead, they allege that militants, disguised as soldiers, were responsible for the crimes—a tactic reportedly used to instil fear and tarnish the Army’s image.
One of the most remarkable aspects of this book is that Komal Verma, an NCC Cadet from Kathua, is making history as she becomes the youngest author from Jammu and Kashmir. She is not only showcasing her exceptional writing skills but is also pursuing her graduation alongside her literary journey. Her initiative, “Sab Khairiyat”, has added a meaningful dimension to this book, highlighting the humanitarian efforts of the Indian Army and fostering dialogue with the people.
This book is a testament to the capabilities of a budding author from Kathua, proving that young minds from the region are capable of producing powerful narratives. Komal Verma’s dedication and courage in taking on such a significant topic reflects the strength and determination of our country’s young women. She stands as an inspiration for all girls across the nation, showing that with passion and perseverance, they too can make a difference.
