The 9/11 style hijack attempt on a FlyDubai flight on September 30, 2026, points out the need to prevent religious radicalization. This event shows that the idea that the pernicious impact of radicalization is waning is wishful thinking and is not corroborated by evidence. The evidence also points that prevention of radicalization needs a global approach requiring international cooperation and domestic intervention by states is not enough to mitigate global pro-radicalization messaging. However, it should also be clear that targeting groups as radicals is not a practical solution to the problem and goes against the basic human dignity of human beings. Thus, this position of this piece is that we must prevent radicalization without being preyed to xenophobia.
The global appeal of radicalization
The major impact of radicalization has been on gullible Muslims and politicization of Islamism has been the main force behind radicalism. It can be said that the creation of Islam as an internationalist religion forged through war among tribes in the Arabian Peninsula has led to a history of radicalization in the religion. However, it is unacceptable to take the view that all Muslims by nature are radical. It is necessary to combat radicalism as an ideology through international cooperation and an approach aimed to eliminate such ideologies rather than wage war on communities. Nations need to focus on a comprehensive approach to this threat as radical forces are by nature globalists and appeal to a global audience rather than threats restricted to local communities. Secondly, one of the major causes of radicalism is the Israel-Palestine conflict and an international solution should be achieved for this perennial war that protects the human rights of Palestinians without sacrificing the rights of the Jewish people.
Therefore, radicalization which promotes terrorism is based on messaging made through a militant understanding of Islam and is different from an insurgency because violence is not directed against governments but against ordinary people. Therefore, it is important for nations to first analyze the root causes of the appeal to such messaging and mitigate them. Historically there have been arguments that lack of education and poverty may be the cause of appeal to such messaging. But it has been seen that people with talented careers including doctors, lawyers, engineers and in this latest case a pilot has been associated with radicalization. Therefore, the argument that education does not influence radicalization holds ground. Therefore, there is no easy way to combat the global messaging of radicalism and thus, the problem needs an international solution. It should also be noted however that often times states fund radicalism to fulfil their national interest. Such attempts should be condemned by the international community, and there should be a global consensus on the spread of democracy and human rights. In fact, the global appeal to radicalism comes from a militant understanding of religious scriptures and a rejection of liberal values of democracy and individual rights. The global spread of liberalism may perhaps be the best antidote to global radicalism.
Radicalization and religion
Karl Marx famously described religion as the opiate of the masses, and the global spread of religious radicalization vindicates this stance. While Marxist violent revolutions do not mitigate global radicalism and may actually spread religious radicalization, a commitment to liberalism and internationalization of liberal values maybe beneficial to combating the appeal to radicalism. Nevertheless, the FlyDubai terror attempt vindicated the continuing appeal of religious radicalization. Therefore, the role of radical clerics in the propagation of religion should be engaged more seriously at the policy level. European countries such as Germany and France have seen a considerable rise in religious extremism linked to a militant interpretation of Islamic texts and have seen their founding values repeatedly challenged by extremists. Therefore, it can be said that religious influences have a strong influence on radicalization and thus nations must engage with religion and spread the importance of separation of state policy from religious dogma and protect their citizens against such dogmatic ideas.
Thus, it should be affirmed that radicalism is closely associated with religious dogma and therefore it is necessary that nations embrace and promote modernity and actively reject dogmatic tenets of religion. It must be understood that religious ideals cannot supersede individual rights, and nations must form a universal consensus regarding the same. The duty to protect human beings from theocratic regimes and authoritarian regimes using religion to suppress their citizens should be understood as a key goal for all states to curb the appeal of international radicalism. Nations must come together and understand the major appeal of radicalism lies in that it gets support from theocratic and authoritarian regimes and therefore the key to a less radical world is perhaps a more democratic and liberal world. The efforts of the United States in this regard are truly exemplary. US officials post 9/11 understood the need to curb the global appeal of radicalism by promoting liberal democracy. Although this article does not intend to endorse all aspects of American policy in this regard, it gives credit where it’s due.
Thus, it is necessary for nations to promote international cooperation for a more democratic, just and liberal world where individual rights are not suppressed by theocratic and authoritarian regimes and where the clarion call of democracy silences the malicious appeals of radicalism.
Conclusion
As the FlyDubai terror attack shows, the global appeal to radicalism still exists, and nations must do more to unite against it. However, the method of combating radicalistic ideals is not easy, and more must be done in this regard to silence such cruel and violent voices. However, the alternative presented to radicalistic terror must be kind, just humane. Nations must ensure that the ideals of democracy and liberty triumph over extremism, and citizens can pursue their life, liberty and happiness without falling prey to violent ideologies. The road ahead is not easy but it is something that must be done. The path of freedom should always triumph over darkness as that is the true nature of humanity.
Article 19 of the Constitution of India is the basis of democratic liberty. It guarantees citizens six fundamental freedoms: the right to freedom of speech and expression; to assemble peacefully and without arms; to form associations, unions, or cooperative societies; to move freely throughout the territory of India; to reside and settle in any part of the country and to practice any profession, or carry on any occupation, trade, or business. Broadly summarized under the banner of ‘Freedom of Speech and Expression,’ the true scope of these rights has been continuously refined by the Supreme Court of India through landmark case laws that addresses state overreach and legislative vagueness.
Origin of the Law
The concept was adopted from concepts Free Speech and Democratic Liberties from Democratic Frameworks from the United States Constitution, while shaping to fit the sociopolitical demographic of India.
Members like K.M Munshi and B.R Ambedkar put forward provisions safeguarding freedom of speech, expressions, associations, movements, and trade, it was an initial draft of Article 13 across multiple seasons of December 1948 and October 1949. Soon through judicial review constant amendments were made to fit the people and evolving times.
Freedom of Press, Information, and Silence
The judiciary has consistently expanded “speech and expression” far beyond spoken words. In Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras (1950), the Supreme Court established that freedom of the press is a fundamental part of Article 19(1)(a), defining it as the right to print and publish without state interference, emphasizing that freedom lies in both circulation and content. Building on this, the Court in State of U.P. v. Raj Narain (1975) ruled that the “right to know” derives directly from freedom of speech, entitling citizens to know about public acts performed by public bodies.
This freedom also includes its other side, in Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1986), the Court held that forcing individuals to sing the National Anthem against genuine religious beliefs violates their rights, establishing that the right to speak includes the right to remain silent. In the modern era, this protective shield was extended to digital spaces in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015), where the Supreme Court struck down Section 66A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, declaring it unconstitutionally vague and prone to misuse.
Freedom to Assemble, Associate, and Move Freely
Collective rights form the backbone of public engagement. In Himmat Lal v. Police Commissioner, Bombay (1972), the Supreme Court struck down rules empowering police commissioners to impose bans on public meetings, ruling that state regulations must aid rather than extinguish the right to assemble peacefully. Regarding collective identity, Damyanti v. Union of India (1971) upheld the right of association members to preserve their voluntary composition without forced state alteration. Furthermore, in Chambara Soy v. Union of India (2007), the Court emphasized state accountability, holding the administration responsible to compensate citizens for losses caused by state inaction in clearing illegal blockades that restrict free movement.
Freedom of Residence, Profession, Trade, and Business
The economic and personal liberties guaranteed under Article 19 ensure dignity in daily life. In U.P. Avas Evam Vikas Parishad v. Friends Co-op. Housing Society Ltd. (1995), the Supreme Court expanded the right to reside in the right to shelter and construct housing. Economic freedoms were defended early on in Chintaman Rao v. State of M.P. (1951), where a total ban on manufacturing bidis during agricultural seasons was struck down as an arbitrary and unreasonable restriction on trade.
Finally, human dignity at work was codified in Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997), where the Supreme Court recognized that sexual harassment at the workplace directly violates a woman’s fundamental right. This historic judgment laid down binding guidelines that led to the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013.
Recent Protests
The recent student protests are protected under this very article, and it has a constitutional foundation in it but also can serve as a basis for police restrictions and regulations due to the highly interpretative nature of the article.
The State cannot outright ban any protests, but the authorities can impose “reasonable restrictions” like maintaining traffic and public safety and order. It was said that a lot of the responses (using arms like pellet guns and tear gases) were simply “exceptional circumstances”.
Although the use of weaponry was illegal during the protests, the Supreme Court instantly stepped in, where the court ordered the strict preservation of all CCTV footage, issued notices to the government, and ordered an independent inquiry to determine if the deployment of such weaponry violated the students’ fundamental right to life and liberty.
Interference in IT Act, 2000.
The Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression, but the Supreme Court has now extended onto the digital lives of students where this right faces interference through the Informational Technology Act, 2000.
The landmark case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India highlighted this dissonance in the Act and Article, where in Article 19 1(a) I guarantees freedom of speech, publishing, and exchange through online, subject to “reasonable restrictions” outlined under Article 19(2).
There’s ignorance among the people, which is their widespread lack of public awareness, which makes this act even more serious. We all believe in our six Fundamental Rights which includes Article 19, but it has its reasonable restrictions and guardrails with the help of Article 19(2), Information Technology Act, 2000, and the newly replaced Indian Penal Code with Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.
This lack of digital literacy means millions of users are unaware that one post, repost, or a comment can lead to an FIR (first information report), phone seizure, and immediate arrest.
Conclusion
Freedom of speech is often treated as an unrestrained privilege, yet through constitutional amendments and judicial review, it continuously evolves alongside the state and society. As expression shifts from physical streets to digital screens, legal ambiguity has only increased the threat of suppression. Article 19 stays in a living doctrine, defined by those who dare to speak, assemble, and question. The core struggle stays unchanged: balancing legitimate public order against state overreach. True freedom of speech requires more than constitutional text; it demands a public that recognizes where state authority ends, and fundamental liberty begins. Because this right stays prone to misuse by both the executive and the public, the judiciary must step in as an independent body to safeguard democratic freedom. Ultimately, Fundamental Rights are not just on paper but rather a day-to-day moral with restrictions every citizen of a nation must understand, interpret, and use wisely.
Artificial intelligence (AI) is emerging as a general-purpose technology with far-reaching economic implications. Whilst its capabilities are already widely deployed across applications, such as text generation, coding, and forecasting, its aggregate impact on productivity and growth remains only partially visible, mirroring historical experiences with technologies like electricity. However, AI adoption is proceeding at unprecedented speed, suggesting potentially shorter diffusion lags and a more rapid translation into productivity gains. Estimates indicate that AI could significantly increase labor productivity growth in advanced economies, although outcomes remain uncertain and depend on the pace of adoption and complementary adjustments. The effects on inflation are ambiguous. On the one hand, efficiency gains and cost reductions may dampen price pressures; on the other hand, increased demand for investment, intermediate goods, and especially energy may exert upward pressure over time. At the same time, AI introduces new financial stability risks, including concentration amongst technology providers, more correlated decision-making, and heightened cyber threats.
Whether AI can generate attractive returns on invested capital involves a simple question: whether the returns on this technology exceed its costs. For AI, both sides of that equation differ from previous waves of technological change. Unlike many earlier game-changing technologies, AI does not require organizations to build or own the underlying infrastructure. That creates a much lower investment burden than other innovations, such as steam power, which necessitated redesigned factories and production systems, or electrification, which required access to transmission and distribution networks, among other costly upgrades. AI follows a fundamentally different model. Hyperscale’s invest hundreds of billions of dollars to build and operate data centers, then provide AI capabilities as a shared service to millions of organizations. In 2026 alone, capital expenditures by the four largest hyperscale’s are expected to exceed $700 billion. As a result, companies can access frontier AI through usage-based pricing rather than making large up-front capital investments. This shared infrastructure has fundamentally changed the cost of applying intelligence. According to recent research, AI can reduce the cost of decision-making by over 90 percent, with tasks that required about $40 in human labor in 2023 now estimated to cost fractions of a cent. The potential to compress decision timelines is equally significant, with data suggesting that AI can shift decision-making timeliness from weeks or months to seconds. If companies can replicate these benefits at scale today, an accomplishment few have achieved it would mean that AI has reached cost parity with human labor in about two years. No previous general-purpose technology has become economically viable for such a large number of organizations so quickly.
The findings on cost parity suggest that AI is no longer constrained by economics and that any company can potentially profit from AI. But most organizations still report little or no measurable impact on earnings. The answer for this appears to lie in implementation strategy. Most companies are now layering copilots, chatbots, and dashboards onto their existing processes, producing only modest financial gains. By contrast, companies that redesign end-to-end workflows around AI often achieve a roughly 20 percent EBITDA (Earnings Before Interests, Taxes, Depreciation, and Amortization) uplift, three dollars of profit for every dollar invested, and payback periods of one to two years. The most proactive companies will redesign workflows before selecting tools.
Given that much AI research concentrates on cost reduction, company leaders cannot be faulted if they focus on this benefit, nor could workers be criticized for fearing they might lose their jobs to a machine. But a look at sales, general, and administrative (SG&A) expenses, which include those related to planning teams, management layers, and approval processes, suggests that the source of AI’s value is actually more complex. At most companies, even mature ones, SG&A typically runs at 5 to 12 percent. Even large reductions in these costs would not explain how AI could potentially improve EBITDA by 20 percent. If cost reduction alone cannot account for AI’s financial impact, other sources of value must be involved. Many of these benefits are less visible because they arise not from eliminating jobs but from improving how organizations make decisions, for example, by enabling better decisions, accelerating execution, reducing coordination, and creating new opportunities for growth. Much of AI’s economic value arises from the following sources:
Faster action: With AI, companies can compress decision cycles from weeks to days, or from days to hours, giving them a better chance of taking quick action to address problems and improve outcomes. For instance, AI may deliver rapid recommendations after analyzing information on demand signals. But AI implementation alone will not ensure speedy decisions; companies must also revise their existing planning cycles and associated workflows, both of which tend to be lengthy.
Better use of existing assets: Many companies invest heavily in new capacity because existing assets appear to be operating near their limits. Production schedules, maintenance plans, and operating parameters are often based on outdated assumptions. The result is lower throughput, unnecessary downtime, and equipment that delivers less than it could. Better decisions help companies get more from the assets they already own, increasing output and utilization without adding equipment or labor.
Improved ability to capture opportunities: Weak growth is often attributed to market conditions or capacity constraints. In practice, organizations frequently miss opportunities because they cannot react quickly enough or remain constrained by outdated assumptions that fail to account for AI’s ability to transform timelines and economics. Product launches slip. The inventory ends up in the wrong locations. Capacity is allocated inefficiently. As decision costs fall, companies gain the ability to evaluate more opportunities, test more scenarios, and act before circumstances change.
The realization that AI’s primary financial value stems from decision velocity, asset optimization, and opportunity capture, rather than simple headcount reduction, demands a fundamental rethinking of how modern enterprises structure their operations. Historically, organizational design focused on managing information asymmetry, controlling risk through multi-layered approval hierarchies, and allocating human capital to bridge gaps between disparate data silos. These legacy structures were intentionally designed around human cognitive bottlenecks: bounded rationality, limited data processing capacity, and the necessity of prolonged synchronization cycles. When a technology can compress decision-making costs by over 90% and reduce execution timelines from months to seconds, these legacy organizational architectures become major liabilities. Layering generative models or specialized algorithms on top of rigid, step-by-step business processes yield only incremental productivity boosts,the modest gains currently reported by early adopters. Capturing a transformational EBITDA uplift requires leadership teams to abandon incrementalism and actively redesign end-to-end workflows around real-time intelligence.
Traditional enterprise workflows are inherently sequential. A typical strategic planning, procurement, or product-allocation cycle moves linearly across multiple functional silos. Each handoff introduces latency, operational friction, and opportunities for information distortion. Redesigned end-to-end AI workflows replace this sequential pipeline with a dynamic, multi-agent continuous orchestration loop.
At the macroeconomic level, the rapid diffusion of general-purpose AI introduces complex dynamics that challenge conventional economic models. Historically, general-purpose technologies, such as the steam engine or the internal combustion engine, required decades to achieve widespread market penetration, giving labor markets time to adjust as old industries dissolved, and new ones emerged. AI’s unprecedented adoption curve severely compresses this adjustment window. While fears of mass automated unemployment dominate public dialogue, the empirical reality of enterprise deployment suggests a more nuanced transformation. Rather than removing entire roles, AI automates specific cognitive tasks, such as data collation, initial drafting, basic code writing, and administrative scheduling. This shifts human labor toward strategic problem-solving, emotional intelligence, and cross-functional leadership. AI tools often provide the largest productivity lift to junior or lower-performing workers, narrowing the performance gap between novices and seasoned experts. The primary macroeconomic risk is not a permanent shortage of jobs, but a severe structural friction where workers must acquire new technical and analytical skills faster than traditional educational and corporate training systems can adapt. Massive capital expenditure requirements for server hardware, high-bandwidth memory chips, specialized data centers, and grid upgrades drive up demand for raw materials and commodities. Crucially, the immense power requirements of AI datacenters create strong demand pressures in localized energy markets, challenging energy transition goals, and driving infrastructure investment costs upward. Reliance on a small handful of primary hyperscale’s leaves critical sectors, such as global banking, healthcare, and logistics, vulnerable to widespread outages, cloud infrastructure disruptions, or targeted cyberattacks. When financial institutions, trading platforms, or insurance underwriters rely on similar underlying foundation models, their automated responses to market stress become highly correlated, potentially worsening systemic volatility and liquidity shocks.
Navigating this technological transition requires business leaders to move beyond viewing AI as a simple IT cost-reduction initiative. To unlock transformative economic value while mitigating operational risks, management teams must focus on strategic priorities. Stop deploying disconnected chatbots or standalone copilot tools across legacy organizational silos. Instead, identify core value-creation workflows, such as integrated business planning, customer discovery, dynamic pricing, or preventive maintenance, and completely re-engineer them to put AI intelligence at the center of execution. Enterprise algorithms are only as effective as the underlying data foundations that feed them. Investing in clean, real-time data pipelines, clear governance models, robust privacy protections, and strict security controls are essential to ensure operational reliability, protect customer trust, and maintain regulatory compliance. Realizing the full value of high-speed decision-making requires changing managerial behavior. Organizations must upskill leadership and operational teams to trust, interpret, and rapidly act on machine-generated recommendations, while establishing effective human-in-the-loop controls for high-stakes strategic decisions. Ultimately, AI is fundamentally changing the economics of modern enterprise management. While capital investment needed to build a frontier, models remain concentrated among major cloud providers. The opportunity to harness scalable intelligence is open to any organization. Companies that treat AI merely as an administrative cost-cutting tool will secure only modest, temporary efficiency gains. In contrast, organizations that courageously redesign their operating models to harness real-time decision-making, maximize asset productivity, and quickly capture new market opportunities will lead the next era of productivity and long-term value creation.
Cuba’s Ambassador to India, Juan Carlos Marsán Aguilera, has accused Washington of escalating economic warfare against Havana, alleging that an oil blockade, secondary sanctions and financial restrictions are inflicting severe humanitarian costs on the island. Addressing a press conference in New Delhi, he urged the international community to reject the US embargo ahead of a United Nations General Assembly vote on Cuba’s resolution on October 27–28.
Marsán said that the more than 65-year-old embargo had reached unprecedented levels under the current US administration. He cited US executive orders threatening 25 percent tariffs on countries exporting oil to Cuba and imposing secondary sanctions on foreign companies doing business with the island. According to the Ambassador, these measures have effectively choked off fuel supplies, with Cuba receiving no oil during the past ten months apart from a Russian shipment that arrived on March 30 for humanitarian reasons.
Ambassador Aguilera argued that Washington’s measures violate Cuba’s sovereignty and pressure third countries to curtail legitimate trade. He also rejected Cuba’s designation on the US list of state sponsors of terrorism, claiming it restricts the country’s access to international financial institutions. He alleged that the sanctions extend beyond the Cuban government to private businesses and ordinary citizens.
The humanitarian toll, Marsán warned, is mounting. Citing Cuba’s report to the United Nations, he put the economic damage at US$8.083 billion during the reporting year and US$178.7 billion cumulatively over 65 years, at current prices. He said Cuba’s 2025 GDP would have been 10.8 percent higher without the embargo. By the end of May 2026, the country faced a fuel shortfall of 2.67 million tonnes, while average residential power cuts reportedly reached 20 hours. Nearly two million people were said to lack regular water supplies, while 100,000 patients, including 12,000 children, were awaiting surgery.
Fuel shortages have also disrupted healthcare, agriculture, transport, and food distribution, according to the Ambassador. He cited the power-dependent treatment needs of 2,888 hemodialysis patients, curtailed irrigation and interruptions affecting 2,900 tonnes of contracted humanitarian food aid. Marsán accused Washington of imposing collective punishment on the Cuban population, warning that the consequences were costing lives.
Cuba, he insisted, posed no threat to the United States or any other country and remained committed to peace and international cooperation. He also criticized what he described as threats of military action against the island, pointing to the US naval base at Guantánamo Bay as the only foreign military base on Cuban territory.
Seeking international backing, Marsán said 136 countries had supported taking up the issue at a special UN General Assembly session in July, while 43 countries had called for an end to the blockade or related coercive measures during the Assembly’s September general debate. He further alleged that Washington was pressuring governments and UN representatives to change their positions ahead of the vote.
The Ambassador framed the coming UN deliberations as a test of international solidarity and national sovereignty. “Today is Cuba; tomorrow it could be any other country,” he warned, expressing confidence that the international community would once again vote against the embargo.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s October 2026 visit to India signalled a renewed push to translate defence ties into industrial collaboration and joint capability-building. Both sides agreed to establish a Defence Industry Dialogue, opening new avenues for co-development, co-production and technology collaboration between Indian and Polish defence companies, designed to expand engagement between Indo-Polish defence manufacturers and identify commercially viable opportunities, beyond conventional procurement, thereby paving the way for business-to-business partnerships, technology collaboration, joint development and co-production for defence industrial cooperation. Secretary (West), Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) Sibi George, during his press interaction, said the two countries were exploring practical collaboration building on their complementary capabilities. He noted that defence-sector businesses were increasingly active in exploring opportunities, with Polish defence companies also represented in the Prime Minister’s delegation.
The eighth meeting of the India–Poland Joint Working Group on Defence, held in Warsaw in September, reinforced the institutional framework for sustained engagement.
A proposed agreement on the mutual protection and exchange of classified information could build the trust needed for sensitive technology partnerships, technology transfer and joint production. The two countries also agreed to launch a Counter-Terrorism Dialogue, with both leaders calling for concerted international action against terrorist networks, safe havens and financing. The India–EU Security and Defence Partnership, signed in January 2026, provides a broader framework reflecting a growing convergence in cybersecurity, critical and emerging technologies, and defence innovation. Both leaders welcomed the India–EU Security and Defence Partnership signed in January 2026, signalling an opportunity to connect bilateral cooperation with Europe’s wider security architecture. Collaboration in these areas could strengthen technological resilience and open new avenues for Indian and Polish companies.
Space and emerging technologies are emerging as promising new frontiers. Secretary Sibi George highlighted the joint spaceflight of Indian astronaut Group Captain Shubhanshu Shukla and Polish astronaut Sławosz Uznański-Wiśniewski aboard the Axiom-4 mission in 2025, saying both sides had agreed to encourage greater engagement between their space industries, including startups. The two countries also plan to promote collaborative research in artificial intelligence, semiconductors and quantum technologies, alongside stronger partnerships between businesses and research institutions. These initiatives could broaden the strategic partnership beyond traditional defence engagement into advanced technology and innovation.
This was Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s second visit to India as PM from 21-23 October 2026, at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His programme included bilateral talks in New Delhi and engagements with business stakeholders in Bengaluru. He visited New Delhi in 2017 as President of the European Council for the India–EU Summit.
In the key outcomes, besides the Defence Industry Dialogue and an agreed Counter-Terrorism Dialogue, the agreement on mutual protection and exchange of classified information was expected to be signed later; an MoU on geology, mining and critical minerals remained under negotiation. An agreement on cooperation between the two countries’ national archives had been concluded but was still to be signed.
Russia’s Anti-Drone Dome Project : Source Internet
Russian state manufacturer Rosoboronexport JSC (part of the Rostec State Corporation) is all set to unveil its latest Anti-Drone Dome concept for protecting the population, troops and facilities against drone attacks during the third Russia-Africa Summit, which will take place at Moscow’s Gostiny Dvor on October 28–29, 2026.
The Anti-Drone Dome is designed to protect the population, as well as strategic infrastructure facilities, bridges, buildings, fuel, energy facilities, and troop deployment sites against enemy drone attacks.
Options for protecting transport convoys and vehicles carrying high-profile persons or sensitive cargo are also offered.
The project was developed by Rosoboronexport in collaboration with leading Russian counter-UAS manufacturers and representatives from specialized law enforcement agencies. It is based on the practical experience gained in countering UAVs during military and counter-terrorism operations in recent years.
For Russia, protecting critical infrastructure against UAVs has become a cornerstone of national and economic security, as well as a foundation for further technological development. A proper structure and the implementation of such a system contribute significantly to demonstrating the effectiveness of both government administration and business operations; they help safeguard supply chains and signal to investors that their investments are secure. Rosoboronexport offers to build a robust local C-UAS system adaptable to a specific partner and a specific facility.
‘All the tools and solutions employed have proved effective in real-world conditions’, stated Alexander Mikheev, Director General of Rosoboronexport.
The project is a multi-layered system comprising assets for airspace surveillance, engagement and electronic suppression of UAVs, a geoinformation system integrated into an automated command-and-control framework, and physical protection measures.
During the third Russia-Africa Summit, Rosoboronexport will present to its partners the concept itself, as well as solutions designed to build the Anti-drone Dome, which include hard-kill countermeasures designed to physically destroy UAVs, such as the Pantsir-SMD-E ADMS and Pantsir-S1M ADMGS (developed by High-Precision Systems), the Verba MANPADS, the TKB-1167 aerial target engagement system, as well as Rostec’s Citadel 30mm air defense artillery system which fires shrapnel airburst rounds.
In the very near future, the range of hard-kill countermeasures against UAVs will be expanded to include mass-produced laser systems, as well as electromagnetic pulse (EMP) systems, currently in the final stages of testing.
The Company is also presenting detection and electronic countermeasures (ECM) systems designed to disrupt drone control and navigation channels such as the Silok, Repellent-Patrol, Sky-Hunter 4PC, and Radeskan in the Anti-Drone version.
The Anti-Drone Dome is a comprehensive system; its components and functionality are tailored to the specific requirements of each customer, considering the unique characteristics of the facility being protected. All its components have been developed and are manufactured in Russia.
Silver Generation Embracing the Digital Age : Source Internet
“The strength of a nation lies not only in its youthful energy but in the wisdom and experience of its elders.”
Human resources are considered as an asset for a country. In India, a country with a vast and diverse population, leveraging the capabilities of every demographic segment is vital for sustainable development. This includes the ageing population- an often overlooked yet valuable section of society. As India is undergoing a significant demographic transformation marked by a growing elderly population, the nation must re-imagine the roles and contributions of its elderly. According to Census 2011, the population aged 60 and above constituted 8.6% of the population. In this changing landscape, the concepts of silver employment and active ageing have gained significant relevance. Silver employment refers to the meaningful engagement of senior citizens in economic or voluntary work post- retirement, while active ageing promotes health, participation, and security for a fulfilling later life. Recognizing and institutionalizing these concepts is essential to harness the full spectrum of human capital and promote inclusive national progress.
Among the elderly population, veterans represent a distinct and highly valued group. Veterans are individuals who have served in the armed forces and have completed their active duty, often in physically demanding roles. Their contribution extends beyond warfare- they play critical roles in disaster relief, infrastructure support, training, and nation-building operations. Veterans bring with them unmatched discipline, leadership, strategic thinking, and crisis management capabilities. Their integration into civilian life after retirement poses challenges. A comprehensive approach that aligns veteran welfare with silver employment opportunities can ensure continued contribution from seasoned individuals, while also honoring their service to the nation.
Silver employment offers a pragmatic and ethical response to the challenges of an ageing society. It addresses rising old-age dependency ratios, reduces the financial burden on pension and social welfare systems, and fosters individual dignity, mental well-being, and self-reliance. In India, many retired adults continue to work out of necessity due to inadequate pension coverage and rising costs of living. However, there is also a significant segment of elderly who seek engagement beyond economic reasons- for purpose, social interaction and intellectual fulfilment. Unfortunately, systemic barriers such as age discrimination, digital illiteracy, and rigid work structures prevent the realization of this potential.
Active ageing as defined by World Health Organization is “the process of optimizing opportunities for health, participation and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age.” It is grounded in the belief that ageing should not be equated with decline, but rather with continued growth, engagement, and contribution. Active ageing promotes autonomy, social involvement, physical and mental fitness, and respect for elderly rights. In a culturally diverse and populous country like India, adapting and promoting the concept of active ageing is essential for ensuring that the elderly population remains integrated and valued. Understanding these concepts in tandem- veterans as a skilled subset of the elderly, silver employment as a means of engagement and active ageing as a broader framework- is key to formulating a progressive, inclusive approach to ageing in India. By redefining old age as a stage of opportunity and contribution, society can better integrate the elderly into its socio-economic framework, thus enriching the nation.
“The strength of a nation lies not only in its arms but in the minds and spirit of those who have borne them with honor.” -Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam
Human resources are foundational to nation-building, and within this broader canvas, military veterans hold a particularly valuable place. In the Indian context, veterans are defined as former members of the Armed Forces who have completed their active duty, often after rigorous service. While their contribution is typically celebrated in the context of defence, their capabilities span a far wider range- leadership, crisis management, technological expertise, and civic responsibility which are eminently transferable to civilian life. This multifaceted experience, accumulated over the years of structured service, equips veterans to play transformational roles in nearly every domain of public life- law, governance, education, business, health, disaster response, and beyond.
The most recognizable contribution of veterans is their leadership under pressure. Their experience in decision-making during life- threatening missions, coordinating large teams and managing unpredictable environments gives them a strategic temperament. One of the most prominent examples is Lt. Gen. Satish Dua, PVSM, UYSM, SM, VSM(Retd.), who not only played a pivotal role in the surgical strikes in Uri in 2016 but also contributed later as a policy advisor in defence think tanks. In the corporate sphere, Maj. Gen. Neeraj Bali, SM, transitioned seamlessly from leading soldiers to leading business transformations as CEO of Rodic Consultants Private Limited, where he applied military leadership to corporate settings. Veterans like these bring the rigour, foresight, and ethical clarity cultivated in uniform to the boardroom.
Veterans have also found a meaningful second career in the legal and judicial fields. Their command over discipline and procedure, coupled with a strong sense of justice, allows them to contribute as both advocates and judges. In the legal and quasi- judicial domain, veterans have assumed influential roles, particularly as administrative members of tribunals, where their domain expertise complements the adjudicative functions of judicial officers. The Armed Forces Tribunal, established under the Armed Forces Tribunal Act, 2007, explicitly mandates the inclusion of former high-ranking defence officers (of the rank of Major General or equivalent) as administrative members to ensure an informed and balanced application of military justice. These members bring first-hand experience of service conditions, military regulations, and operational hardships, which are crucial when adjudicating pension claims, disability benefits, and disciplinary matters.
For instance, Air Marshal Manavendra Singh, PVSM, AVSM, VrC, VSM(Retd.), with extensive experience in operational command, is serving as an Administrative Member in the Armed Forces Tribunal Chandigarh bench, working alongside counterparts to deliver well- rounded verdicts, these veterans ensure that judicial decisions are grounded not only statutory interpretation but also in the nuanced realities of military life.
Major Navdeep Singh is a veteran and a distinguished legal practitioner, currently practicing at the Punjab and Haryana High Court. He has made significant contributions to military law, both in India and globally. He is also a member of the advisory committee on military justice of the Commonwealth Secretariat and an International Fellow of the National Institute of Military Justice in Washington, DC. His leadership extends to the Armed Forces Tribunal Bar Association, where he was elected the first president. His expertise in military law is reflected in his extensive writing, including books like Military Pensions: Commentary, Case Law & Provisions, March to Justice: Global Military Law Landmarks, and In Her Defence: Landmark Judgments on Women by Supreme Court, among others. Through his scholarly work and legal practice, Major Singh continues to influence the landscape of military law. Policy- making and governance have also benefited from veterans’ involvement. Their deep understanding of logistics, public systems, and institutional structure allows them to contribute meaningfully to national planning and administration. Gen. (Dr.) Vijay Kumar Singh, PVSM, AVSM, YSM(Retd.), 24thChief of Army Staff, has served as a Minister of State in various ministries, bringing military precision to large infrastructure projects and foreign aid coordination. Similarly, Air Marshal Anil Chopra, PVSM, AVSM, VM, VSM(Retd.) has played a key advisory role in aviation and defence policy. Institutions like the Vivekananda International Foundation, the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), and the Observer Research Foundation regularly invite veterans to contribute to strategic reviews, white papers and round-table discussions, reflecting the growing recognition of their military acumen.
The field of education has also witnessed a quite impactful transformation due to veterans. Their roles as mentors, educators, and institution builders have reshaped the leadership ecosystem among India’s youth. Many serve as faculty in military academies, Sainik schools and NCC programs. One such example is Col. Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore (Retd.), an Olympic medalist and former Union minister, has launched initiatives like “Youth for Nation Building”, aimed at integrating physical training, sports, and patriotic education in schools and colleges. Through such outreach, he encourages students to engage in civic life and leadership beyond academics.
Veterans have also contributed as faculty in legal, strategic, and defence studies. Maj. Gen. Nilendra Kumar AVSM, VSM, (Retd.), former Judge Advocate General of the Indian Army, served as Director of Amity Law School, Noida, where he taught law blending theory with battlefield ethics. In disaster management and humanitarian relief, Indian military veterans have consistently demonstrated their immense value in coordinating rapid response, managing logistics under pressure, and organizing community- level recovery efforts. Their extensive training in field-level operations, supply chain management, and inter-agency coordination positions them as natural leaders during emergencies. Veterans have also institutionalized their expertise through organizations such as the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), where several retired officers, including Lt. Gen. N.C. Marwah PVSM, AVSM(Retd.), have served as members. He brought his experience from counter- insurgency and border management to help shape national protocols on flood response and chemical disaster preparedness. His leadership during simulation exercises and disaster response planning has a long-term impact on India’s disaster preparedness infrastructure.
In the world of entrepreneurship and technology, veterans are increasingly launching startups and social enterprises that address national challenges. Major Sonal Gupta (Retd.) was a member of the first few batches of women officers to join the Indian army, she has been a pioneer all her professional life. She setup Navrang Creations in early 2014 with the idea of conserving the rich Indian handloom tradition and culture, where products are sourced from local artisans at each location. Sonal is a strong believer in the discipline and toughness instilled in her army career and experiences and aims to use her military and corporate knowledge to help her venture grow leaps and bounds in the future.
Others, like Col. Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore (Retd.), a former Olympian and minister, use their platforms to promote youth fitness and national pride through entrepreneurial ventures in sports and education. Government programs like Startup India and the Directorate General Resettlement (DGR) have also begun to recognize the value of supporting veteran entrepreneurs. The integrity instilled in the Armed Forces has made veterans ideal candidates for position in anti- corruption bodies and transparency initiatives. Maj. Gen. Anil Verma (Retd.) heads the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), an organization committed to electoral transparency and accountability (ADR). In states like Tamil Nadu and Punjab, veterans have served on vigilance commissions and internal oversight panels, ensuring that public processes remain ethical and citizen-focused. Their commitment to due process and institutional honesty makes them natural enforcers of good governance.
In the realm of conflict resolution and peace building, Indian military veterans have consistently demonstrated their value as neutral, credible actors equipped with negotiation skills, operational insight, and deep cultural sensitivity. Having served in regions rife with insurgency, cross-border tension, or post-conflict trauma, veterans possess first-hand knowledge of the complex dynamics of security, trust, and reconciliation. Their lived experiences often make them more empathetic and effective in facilitating dialogue and rebuilding fractured societies.
Another instance is that of Retd. Lt. Col. Umang Kohli, who is making humongous strides in the field of Journalism, and active reporting of changing geo-political and international diplomacy apparatus. Sir has contributed widely on the issues in leading newspapers such as ‘Pioneer’ and others, including being an Executive Editor with the Life of Soldiers Magazine, whereby he actively aids young and bright minds (including veterans) to contribute on leading global issues. Having served as the Director, Media Management and Information Security with the Indian Army, Director, Public Relations of NCC; as well as having served in major positions during his stint with the Armed Forces- Lt. Col. (Retd.) Umang Kohli has a made a name for himself with his tireless dedication towards human resource development, exam preparation and motivation, truth-laden journalism, entrepreneurship (resort management and ownership-Twin Oaks, Kasauli) and active experience in the publishing-editing-and journalism sector. He serves as an inspiration not just for the youngsters but also for veterans alike, with his many ventures after hanging out his boots. One notable example is Lt. Gen. Syed Ata Hasnain PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SM, VSM (Retd.), who served extensively in Kashmir as the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 15 Corps, has been instrumental in applying a “hearts and mind” approach to conflict mitigation. Through his inclusive outreach strategies such as “Operation Sadbhavana” he engaged with local youth, clerics, and civil society actors to counter militancy with trust and development. Today, he serves on the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) and advises government bodies on internal security, civil-military relations, and strategic communication.
In sum, veterans carry a multidimensional experience that is not only deeply valuable but indispensable to India’s national development. Their service does not end with the relinquishing of the uniform; it evolves into new forms of leadership across the judiciary, policymaking, education, advocacy, disaster response, entrepreneurship, and social reform. Institutions like the Ministry of Defence, the Directorate General Resettlement, and NITI Aayog must further institutionalize their reintegration by creating clear pathways into governance, policy, and professional sectors. The military prepares not just soldiers but civic leaders. India’s veterans have proven this across fields from Air Marshal Manavendra Singh in the courtroom to Col. Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore in Parliament, and from surgical strikes in Uri to advisor in policy think tanks. Their legacy is not just one of valour but of wisdom in service to the nation, in and out of uniform.
It is said that the only eligibility needed to serve one’s nation is to really love the nation, in all that you do. To express one’s gratitude towards one’s motherland is best done when a person upholds the very dignity, integrity and character of oneself in all that he/she does in the world. And who can better understand this soulful emotion, better than a soldier, someone who has served the soil of his/her birth with all that one possessed and had in life. Veterans work in high-octane environments and are used to taking decisions in the blink of any eye, therefore being one of the most-reliable as well as most resourceful assets of any given nation. And to not harness this quintessentially valuable resource, is probably the gravest imperilment that a nation will ever face.
Today, if one surfs any major social media networking platform, it is filled with stories, and life struggles of veterans, both while serving in the armed forces and even beyond that (in the civilian life during mid-life professional transitional phase). In the aforementioned contents of this research paper, the authors have tried to analyze the definitions, meanings and explanations to some of the newer terms such as, ‘silver employment’, ‘veteran support’, and ‘active ageing’; along with slicing out instances from the real-life regarding the appreciable skills that some of the armed forces’ veterans (inclusive of Indian Army, Indian Navy. Indian Air Force, Indian Coast Guard) have gained via their very unique employment in the earlier part of their lives. This and the next part of this research manuscript shall delve into as to how these skills can be applied properly in the transformational phase of veterans, and what are some of the instances of the same from the United States of America, which shall provide a well-rounded analysis of the issue.
Wing Commander (Retd.) Amarjit Singh Bindra quips on his LinkedIn platform, and every time he does that, he grows health and happiness. Why? Because now he is an Organic Farmer and is also motivating others to take up the line, especially the youngsters of Punjab and rural areas of Haryana (especially, Mewat, Nuh). Commander Bindra is a second-generation soldier, and a specialist in organic farms and food forests, sustainable and smart city solution expert, a military transition coach, and a smart cities exponent. This makes Commander Bindra a well-rounded and harmoniously built-up personality, with all the essentials of professional etiquette checked in positively. This is most probably the demand of society today, whereby people (especially employees) are not only morally upright but also professionally well-built to tackle any workplace emergency. Like Commander Bindra, there are a number of veterans who are working in the field of youth empowerment, youth motivation, discipline and mentorship, sports awareness, journalism and strategic thought building mechanisms, lending services to various government agencies to enhance their basic skill-set and work towards achieving realistic goals, transition coaching, management, and human resource management, et al. Veterans, thus possess the valuable assests and skills which make them valuable anywhere and everywhere, wherever they will be employed, and in cases of self-employment too.
In India, veterans are called by an alternative name, i.e., ex-servicemen. Ex-servicemen and their issues are dealt with under the different departments of the Ministry of Defense. The pension-related matters, the dismissal-related matters or matters related to disability (war-disablement monetary allowance and respectful discharge from services), etc. are all dealt with by the Ministry of Defense. In the broader picture, Ex-Servicemen (Re-employment in Central Civil Services and Posts) Rules, 1979. It is here that the role of Judge Advocate Generals (JAGs) comes into the picture. The definition of ex-servicemen is defined by every State government in their own ways, which is generally similar over all platforms, however with slight changes. For the reasons of clarity and connectivity, the definition of ex-servicemen, as given by the Punjab Government is reproduced below: “Ex-servicemen means a person who has served in any rank, whether as a combatant or a non-combatant, in the Naval, Military and Air Forces of the Union of India (hereinafter referred to as the Armed Forces of the Union of India), and who has,- (a) retired or released from such service at his or her own request after earning his or her pension; or (b) has been released from such service on medical grounds attributable to military service or circumstances beyond his control and awarded medical or other disability pension;or (c)been released, otherwise than on his own request, from such service as a result of reduction in establishment; or been released from such service after completing the specific period of engagement otherwise than at his own request or by way of dismissal or discharge on account of misconduct or inefficiency, and has been given a gratuity; But does not include a person who has served in the Defence Security Corps, the General Reserve Engineering Force, the Lok Sahayak Sena and the Para Military Forces, but includes personnel of the Lok Sahayak Sena of the following categories, namely:-Pension holders for continuous embodied service; Persons with disability attributable to military service; and Gallantry award winners.”
According to various resources, “there are several welfare and rehabilitation schemes and financial assistance being provided by the Ministry of Defence to ex-servicemen. Kendriya Sainik Board is the Apex Body of Government of India responsible for laying down policies / guidelines for the welfare, rehabilitation and resettlement of ex-servicemen / dependents in the country. These policies / programmes are also being implemented by the Kendriya Sainik Board for the benefit of ex-servicemen and their families.” The Raksha-Mantri Ex-Servicemen Welfare Fund (RMEWF) includes penury grant, education grant, disabled children grant, widow remarriage grant, home loan grant, medical training, vocational training, etc. to aid ex-servicemen in their lives beyond service. For treating serious cases of medical emergencies, the Armed Forces Flag Day Fund (AFFDF), provides medical treatment coverage for serious casualities and ailments. A number of aid and requisite help is also provided under the Financial Assistance for procuring mobility equipment to disabled ESM, Prime Minister’s Scholarship Scheme, reservations in all judicial/executive entrance exams along with legal career development, and further reservation for ESM in Central Government Posts. A recent very landmark decision that has been made and announced by the NALSA Legal services has been that of aiding the serving soldiers in their matters of legal disputes, especially of pension and other bureaucratic matters. The scheme regarding the employment of Ex-Servicemen (ESM) in Central Government organizations is outlined below for your perusal.
The reservation policy for Ex-Servicemen provides 10% reservation in direct recruitment posts up to the level of Assistant Commandant in Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs), 10% in Group C posts, and 20% in Group D posts in Central Government Ministries/Departments. In Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs) and Nationalized Banks, the reservation is 14.5% in Group C posts and 24.5% in Group D posts. These percentages include 4.5% reservation for disabled Ex-Servicemen and eligible dependents of defence personnel killed in action, as specified under the policy.
Not only this, but resettlement training is also provided and the same can be explained in the following words, “an option to undergo resettlement courses in reputed institutes pan India is provided to Officers, JCOs/OR and retired personnel’s through the office of Directorate General Resettlement (DGR) to enhance their educational qualifications and increase employment options post-retirement. An exemption of 100% of the course fees is given to JCOs/ORs and 60% to officers. The exempted amount against the course fees is paid by the office of DGR.”Reservation for allotment of oil-product agencies also include a 8% defense quota for ex-servicemen so that they re-employed in a much more better manner, “the Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Gas has reserved 8% quota for LPG Distributorship and Petrol / Diesel Retail Outlets for armed forces personnel, Central / State government employees, Central / State PSU employees and CAPF. This reservation is applicable to widows/dependents of those members of Armed Forces who died in war or in harness due to attributable or aggravated causes to Military Service. The eligibility certificate for the above distributorship is issued by the office of DGR.”
Not only this, but self-employment options such as- ESM Coal Loading and Transportation Schemes, Tipper attachment Schemes, Management of CNG Stations, management of company owned company operated retail outlets, management of mother dairy booths and Safal outlets, as well as employment under security agencies schemes are also given (as reported by Portal Vikaspedia- Government of India). Along with this, children’s education concessions, rail and air travel concessions, and telephone concessions are also provided. For any kind of grievance redressal, now NALSA is open to all ex-servicemen and serving soldiers, CPGRAMS, Controller General of Defense Accounts mechanisms, Army Headquarters officials, Naval Headquarters officials, Air Force Headquarters officials, as well as Department of Ex-Servicemen welfare is consistently open for providing any aid to ex-servicemen. Therefore, one can notice that the Government of India provides extensive opportunities for re-employment, apart from the opportunities of self-employment in today’s changing world. However, contrast with other nations would aid in understanding the situation better.
Starting with the United States of America, it must be noted that the United States of America’s Department of Labor provides a strikingly 900 different career options’ catalogues to choose from under its flagship Veteran Employment Services mechanism. The U.S. Department of Labor states that, “veterans who are disabled, who served on active duty in the Armed Forces during certain specified time periods or in military campaigns are entitled to preference over others in hiring for virtually all federal government jobs.” It is however interesting to note that the American Federal Government not only offers employment opportunities, but also the opportunity to re-educate, re-skill and re-deploy one’s skill before veterans are put into the rigmarole of re-employment. The preference to choose one’s state of re-employment and the nature of job that a veteran wishes to pursue is also asked before placement of the veteran in any sector in the future. This is probably a very unique perspective and can be imbibed by the Indian side for better re-employment opportunities for the veterans. This will provide a holistic view to both the government and the veteran so retired. The same is also followed in jurisdictions such as the United Kingdom and Australia.
In a recently delivered landmark judgment by the Supreme Court of India, in the case titled Irwan Kour v. Punjab Public State Commission, the hon’ble court held that members of the military nursing service are also covered under the category of ‘ex-servicemen’ and must be given their dues after years of hard physical service along the borders. This is just one example whereby the Supreme Court of India has aided veterans in extracting their dues at the right moment. There are many more, with the latest being the application of NALSA in cases related to ex-servicemen and serving personnel. This transformative jurisprudence that has been undergoing in India, inspired by our age-old ethos is truly beneficial for all the serving and retired personnel. This is also in tandem with the essence of India, whereby transformative constitutionalism, democratic constitutionalism, constitutional morality, dynamism of the societal structure, right to equitable justice, rule of law, and tenets of natural justice are just as important as the air and the water.
As mentioned above, the veterans/ex-servicemen have a lot of life and skill in them even after they retire, and the same should be utilized for betterment of the society, in all ways possible, and in all spheres. The very idea of re-employment of veterans comes from the assumption of the charge of Hastinapura by Pandavas after they defeated the Kaurava Sena in the righetous battle of Kurukshtera (under the able direction of Lord Sri Krishna). Had veteran/ex-servicemen placement not been in vogue then, then Bharat would have genuinely lost some able rulers and administrators. This is where lies the opportunity to harness the skill-set imbibed by the military personnel. However, challenges such as lack of embracing change, translation skills, lack of proper identification of civilian eligibilities, and others do hinder progress. But these are not undefeatable for a person who has faced probably all the odds in life.
For overcoming these inhibitions- Firstly, imparting of digital literacy and digital empowerment to serving armed forces personnel before their term of services end (probably, this is now undertaken because the armed forces are rejuvenating themselves with new age weaponry and usage of drones, as well as UAV systems at a very large scale after Op. Sindoor) and application of this same suggestion on the ex-servicemen who are now leading a retired life can also aid to a great extent. This will make them much more valuable for recruiters. Secondly, the mindset of the recruiters needs an extensive change at a very large scale, in a way that they must understand that ex-servicemen can overcome any and every danger as well as risk in the systems or in the team and have the ability to take quick decisions in times of ambiguity. Thirdly, incorporation of certain steps that are taken by the governments in other jurisdictions in terms of educating those retired and placing them in a city/place of their choice can enable the military veterans to impart better knowledge and use their skills in a much better way. Fourthly and lastly, the public in general and the military veterans specifically must never exhibit any kind of shyness when talking on this subject, because until and unless clear dialogue and conversations are there, it would not be possible for the public to know what skill-set the veterans possess and for the veterans to know which skill set is actually prevalent. Conclusively, the collective efforts of the Government, the recruiting agencies, the military veterans, and the civilians will enable the redundant resources in our country to re-energize themselves and once more, contribute in a much more effective manner in the national development and progress. Jai Hind. Jai Bharat.
In its 80-year-old history, the United Nations has never had a woman serve as Secretary-General. The calls for a woman to now helm the UN is increasing as António Guterres prepares to step down at the end of December 2026.
The tenth Secretary-General is set to take office on January 1, 2027. Several female diplomats and leaders are being looked at as potential candidates to become the UN’s first woman chief. The calls for a woman to lead the UN is also being made since the exclusion of women in top positions of diplomacy also point to a glaring example of gender inequality. That too, at the helm of an international institution, that is designed to work on issues such as gender equality.
The process to elect the next Secretary-General is rather simple. The 15-member Security Council, including permanent veto powers Britain, China, France, Russia and the United States considers an undisclosed list behind closed doors and then recommends a candidate to be elected by the General Assembly (GA). For the sake of greater transparency, the General Assembly in 2015 asked its president and that of the Security Council to invite U.N. members to nominate candidates. It also called for regular circulation of candidates’ names and CVs to member states.
This time around, seven serious contenders have emerged so far out of which four are women. Based on the UN’s informal regional rotation, the likelihood of a candidate from the Latin American and Caribbean region being selected is high.
The four women contenders are:
Rebeca Grynspan (Costa Rica): The current Secretary-General of UN Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and former Vice President of Costa Rica has emerged as a leading contender, backed by strong showings in UN Security Council straw polls.
Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett (Guyana): Guyana’s permanent representative to the UN and former foreign minister has regional backing from Caricom as an indigenous woman candidate from a developing nation.
Michelle Bachelet (Chile): The former President of Chile and former head of UN Women entered the race but officially withdrew on September 19, 2026. Though she was a strong contender for the job.
María Fernanda Espinosa (Ecuador): Former President of the UN General Assembly and former foreign minister of Ecuador has also been positioned as a prominent Latin American candidate.
The world today has changed a lot and one sees women in leadership positions across the spectrum. But it is also glaringly obvious that some top posts like the President of the United States have remained an all-male bastion. While former Vice President Kamala Harris and former First Lady Hillary Clinton tried to break this glass ceiling, it still seems a distant dream. Europe has seen more women leaders emerge, for instance, the Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. South Asia has given the world its fair share of women leaders like Indian PM Indira Gandhi and Pakistan PM Benazir Bhutto. Even in corporates, women leaders are increasingly finding their positions at the top whether one looks at Chanel which is today headed by a woman CEO Leena Nair, or PepsiCo which again was led by a woman Indra Nooyi.
Women hold roughly 30% of global managerial positions and 27% of board seats, according to the International Labour Organization (ILO). Studies have shown that higher rates of women representation in leadership are associated with a variety of benefits for organizations. Greater gender equity also contributes to wider economic benefits, increased productivity, and improved development results. This translates into the simple point that gender representation is beneficial for everyone, not just women.
Rebeca Grynspan, who has emerged as the frontrunner for the post of the next UN Chief, said that the United Nations has become too risk-averse and its next leader must be prepared to bear the cost of diplomatic failure and try again. She made these comments to a media outlet ahead of another Security Council poll on Oct 16 to gauge support for a new secretary-general to succeed Antonio Guterres.
Grynspan will become the first female secretary-general in the UN’s history if she wins. She has already come out ahead in four out of five informal straw polls, obtaining nine votes in favour last week, according to diplomats close to the process. Securing the recommendation requires at least nine positive votes out of the 15 countries, and no “discourage” votes from the five permanent members: the US, China, Russia, France, and Britain.
But the game is hardly over. It is possible that even now, Grynspan might get a discourage vote from one of the P5 which would essentially end her race. But it is time the UN realised that the world looks upto it and a woman UN Chief would be a positive message that international bodies recognize the contribution of women to societies and to the work place. In a world reeling from wars and uncertainties, this would be welcome news.
For decades, the United States (US) military set the standard for fighting across land, sea, air, space and cyberspace at the same time. The 1991 Gulf War showed the world what networked precision warfare looked like, and Beijing watched closely. Thirty-five years later, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has turned that lesson into a distinctly Chinese way of war, and in several important respects it is now moving faster than Washington at integrating the domains of conflict into one system.
“Taking the lead” needs a caveat. China does not outmatch the US in every category. American submarines, combat experience and alliance networks remain formidable advantages. But on the narrower question of who is better organized, better equipped and better rehearsed for multi-domain operations, particularly in the Western Pacific, the momentum belongs to Beijing.
What multi-domain operations mean
Multi-domain operations (MDO) is the idea that modern conflict cannot be won inside a single domain. A missile’s strike on a runway is more effective if cyber operations have blinded the air defenses; satellites are feeding targeting data, and electronic warfare is jamming the enemy’s response. Each domain supports the others, and the real advantage comes from linking them faster than the opponent can react.
The US spent much of the last decade trying to build this. The Pentagon’s Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) concept aims to connect sensors from every service into a single network. The US Army stood for Multi-Domain Task Forces, and exercises like Project Convergence tested how data could flow from drones and satellites to shooters in seconds. These are serious efforts, but they remain largely working in progress, slowed by service rivalries, incompatible systems, and long procurement cycles.
China arrived at the same destination from a different direction, and it has been willing to restructure its entire military to get there.
Doctrine built around systems, not platforms
PLA strategists rarely talk about defeating an enemy’s ships or aircraft one by one. They talk about “systems confrontation,” the idea that modern wars are contesting between entire operational systems, and the winner is whoever can paralyze the other side of system of command, sensing and logistics. Chinese writings describe “system destruction warfare,” which targets the connective tissue of an adversary’s force rather than its individual weapons.
That mindset explains a lot about what China has chosen to build. It has invested heavily in the things that connect and blind: satellites, cyber capabilities, electronic warfare, long-range missiles, and the command networks tying them together. The PLA uses the term “intelligentized warfare” for the next phase, in which artificial intelligence (AI) speeds up decisions and coordinates swarms of unmanned systems.
A military reorganized for joint fighting
The clearest evidence of China’s seriousness is structural. On December 31, 2015, Chinese leader Xi Jinping announced a sweeping overhaul that created the PLA Rocket Force and the Strategic Support Force, and in early 2016 the old military regions were replaced by five joint theater commands. The point was to break the army-dominated structure that had defined the PLA since its founding and force the services to fight as one team under a single commander in each region.
The Strategic Support Force bundled space, cyber, electronic warfare, and psychological operations into a single organization. On April 19, 2024, Beijing went further and dissolved it, replacing it with three separate arms: the Aerospace Force, the Cyberspace Force, and the Information Support Force. Analysts read this as a refinement rather than a retreat, giving each of these critical functions its own leadership while keeping the information backbone of the force under direct central control.
Contrast this with the American situation. The US has a joint structure on paper through its combatant commands, but the services still buy their own equipment, build their own networks and protect their own budgets. The Pentagon’s own planners have acknowledged that connecting Air Force, Navy and Army systems is a chronic challenge. Beijing’s top-down political system, for all its other weaknesses, can impose organizational change in a way Washington’s cannot.
Space and cyber: the quiet contest
Space is where China’s progress is most visible and, for American planners, most worrying. According to US Space Force officials, China now operates well over a thousand satellites, with several hundred dedicated to intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR). Those satellites matter because they let the PLA find and track American carrier groups and bases across the Pacific, which is the first step in striking them.
China has also shown it is willing to test the edges of space warfare. It destroyed one of its own weather satellites with a missile on January 11, 2007, scattering debris across orbit. In 2021, reports emerged that it had tested a fractional orbital bombardment system, in which a hypersonic glider is released from a spacecraft in low orbit. Reporting the Financial Times on October 16, 2021, said the test circled the globe before gliding toward its target, and US officials called it a shock. Whatever its practical military value, it signaled a Chinese capacity for surprise that Washington had underestimated.
Cyberspace tells a similar story. On May 24, 2023, Microsoft and US and allied agencies publicly warned about a Chinese state-linked group dubbed Volt Typhoon, which had quietly positioned itself inside American critical infrastructure such as communications, energy and water systems. The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) later warned, in an advisory dated February 7, 2024, that the group was prepositioning for potential disruption during a crisis.
The pattern matters for multi-domain operations. Cyber access built in peacetime is a weapon that can be activated at the start of a conflict to slow American mobilization, confuse logistics and complicate decision-making at home. China has been building that option for years.
Missiles that hold the whole theater at risk
If the cyber and space domains are about seeing and blinding, the missile force is about striking. The PLA Rocket Force fields the largest and most diverse arsenal of conventional ballistic and cruise missiles in the world. The DF-21D and DF-26 anti-ship ballistic missiles are designed to threaten aircraft carriers and bases hundreds or even thousands of kilometers from China’s coast. The DF-17, with its hypersonic glide vehicle, is built to defeat missile defenses.
This forms the backbone of what Western analysts call anti-access/area denial (A2/AD), a layered system meant to make it extremely costly for American forces to operate near China. The Pentagon’s China Military Power Report, released on December 18, 2024, noted continued growth in the PLA’s missile inventories and in China’s nuclear stockpile, which the department assessed had passed 600 operational warheads by mid-2024.
What makes this a multi-domain advantage, rather than just a big arsenal, is integration. Satellites find the target; cyber and electronic warfare degrade the defense, and missiles deliver the blow. The PLA has spent years rehearsing exactly this chain.
An industrial base that can outbuild everyone
Multi-domain operations are not only about concepts. They depend on having enough ships, aircraft, drones and munitions to sustain a fight, and here China’s industrial scale is a strategic asset. The Pentagon’s 2024 report counted the PLA Navy at roughly 370 ships and submarines, already the world’s largest by number, and the gap in shipbuilding capacity is enormous. US naval intelligence briefings have reportedly estimated that China’s shipyards have a capacity many times greater than America’s, a gap that would matter enormously in a prolonged conflict where losses must be replaced.
China’s policy of military-civil fusion deepens this advantage by pulling commercial technology firms, universities and shipyards directly into defense production. American defense officials have openly worried that US industry cannot ramp up munitions production fast enough to sustain a high-intensity war.
AI and unmanned systems
The September 3, 2025, military parade in Beijing, held to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, offered a glimpse of where this is heading. Alongside familiar missiles and aircraft, China displayed a range of large unmanned underwater vehicles, uncrewed aerial systems and what it described as collaborative combat drones designed to fly alongside crewed fighters. Whether or not every system on display is combat-ready; the message was that Beijing sees autonomy and AI as central to future multi-domain fighting.
The US is pursuing similar capabilities, including its own collaborative combat aircraft program, and in some areas of AI research American firms remain ahead. But China’s willingness to field, test and iterate quickly, combined with a state-directed push to integrate AI into military planning, gives it a different kind of momentum.
Practice makes integration
Concepts only matter if forces can execute them. The PLA has used large-scale drills around Taiwan as a rehearsal stage for joint, multi-domain operations. After then-US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi visited Taipei on August 2, 2022, China launched its largest exercises in the area to date, firing ballistic missiles over the island and simulating a blockade. Further drills followed: Joint Sword-2024A on May 23, 2024, Joint Sword-2024B on October 14, 2024, and Strait Thunder-2025A on April 1, 2025.
These exercises combine naval, air, missile, cyber, and information operations under joint command. They also serve a political purpose, normalizing a Chinese military presence around Taiwan and probing how the US and its partners respond. The more the PLA practices this, the smoother its coordination becomes, and the more its leaders gain confidence that the system works. China’s training can focus overwhelmingly on a single scenario in its own neighborhood, which is an advantage in preparation even if it is a limitation in global reach.
Where the United States still holds the edge
It would be a mistake to write the obituary of American military power. The US retains clear advantages that matter in any serious assessment.
The American submarine force remains quieter and more capable than China’s, and undersea warfare is one domain where Washington is clearly ahead. The US also has decades of real combat experience, including operations that tested joint coordination under pressure, while PLA has not fought a major war since 1979, and its officers have never commanded complex joint operations in actual combat. That is a real and unquantifiable weakness.
Alliances matter too. Japan, Australia, South Korea, the Philippines and others give the US basing, intelligence and combined strength that China cannot match with partners of its own. Also, PLA’s own system has vulnerabilities: heavy dependence on centralized control may make it brittle, and recent purges of senior officers, including within the Rocket Force, raise questions about leadership stability and readiness.
So the more accurate claim is not that China is universally ahead, but that it is ahead in integrating its force for specific regional fights, and that this is the fight Washington worries about most.
What this means going forward
China’s advantage rests on three things: doctrine that treats warfare as a contest of systems, a military restructured to carry that doctrine out, and an industrial base capable of producing the hardware at scale. Each of these is difficult for the US to match quickly, because American strengths in technology are often undercut by slow acquisition, service rivalries and a shrinking, stretched defense industry.
The good news for Washington is that these problems are fixable in principle. Faster procurement, genuine data-sharing across the services, a rebuilt munitions and shipbuilding base, and deeper integration with allies could all narrow the gap. Several of these efforts are already underway. The question is whether they move quickly enough.
The lesson of the past decade is that multi-domain operations are less about any one gadget and more about organization, speed and rehearsal. China figured out early that the side which links its sensors, networks and weapons most smoothly, and which can break the other side’s links first, gets to set the terms of a conflict. The US invented much of the technology behind that idea. For now, it is China that has done more to turn it into an operating reality.
The war of unintended consequences: Source Internet
Introduction
The United States has long been considered the world’s most powerful military power. Its strength comes from its large defence budget, advanced aircraft, aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, missiles, drones, satellites, and military bases across the world. The US military can also move troops and equipment over very long distances and conduct operations far from its own territory.
The 2026 Iran War, however, has raised questions about how sustainable this military power is during a prolonged conflict. The United States has carried out major attacks against Iran and has damaged important Iranian military capabilities. At the same time, American forces have faced repeated missile and drone attacks, used large quantities of expensive weapons, suffered casualties and lost or damaged military aircraft.
This raises an important question: Has the Iran War weakened the US military?
The answer is not simply yes or no. The United States has not been defeated by Iran and remains much stronger in conventional military terms. However, the war has exposed weaknesses in American military readiness, particularly in weapons stocks, air defence, logistics and the protection of overseas bases. The war has therefore not ended American military superiority, but it has shown the costs and limits of maintaining that superiority during a long conflict.
The Cost of the War
The conflict began on February 28, 2026, when the United States and Israel launched military operations against Iran. The American campaign relied heavily on-air power, precision weapons and attacks on Iranian military infrastructure. Iran responded with ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones against American and allied positions across the region.
The conflict continued much longer than many initially expected. By September, the Congressional Budget Office estimated that the war had cost the United States around $38 billion, with approximately $3 billion in additional costs every month if the conflict continued. A Pentagon report covering the period until June 30 also found that around $22 billion had been spent on munitions used during the operation.
There has also been a human cost. The Pentagon reported at least 18 US military deaths by June 30, including 11 killed in action and seven deaths from non-hostile incidents. At least 417 military personnel were wounded in Iranian attacks during the same period. These figures do not suggest that the United States has lost the war. They do show, however, that even a major technological advantage cannot prevent a prolonged conflict from creating substantial financial and military costs.
Depletion of Missile Stocks
One of the biggest concerns created by the war is the amount of advanced ammunition used by American forces. The US military depends heavily on precision-guided weapons because they allow American forces to attack targets from long distances. However, these weapons are expensive and often difficult to produce quickly.
In August, Reuters reported that the United States had used virtually all of its ATACMS and Precision Strike Missiles during the war. These are important long-range weapons that give American forces the ability to strike targets from a considerable distance. The United States also used a significant portion of its Tomahawk cruise-missile stock.
This is important because these weapons are not required only for Iran. They are also part of American preparations for possible conflicts involving countries such as China and Russia. A large reduction in available long-range missiles can therefore affect American readiness beyond the Middle East. This does not mean that the United States has run out of weapons. The problem is more specific: some important types of advanced weapons have been used faster than they can be replaced.
That creates a readiness problem because the US military has to remain prepared for several possible threats at the same time. If a large part of its stock is used in one conflict, rebuilding that stock becomes necessary before the military can be fully prepared for another major war.
Pressure on Air Defence
The United States has also faced pressure while defending its own forces from Iranian attacks. Iran has used ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones, forcing American forces to rely on systems such as Patriot and THAAD. These systems have protected American personnel and military installations, but their use has also reduced the number of available interceptors.
This creates an important economic problem. Iran can use relatively inexpensive drones or missiles, while the United States may have to use a much more expensive interceptor to destroy them. The American system may successfully stop the attack, but repeated exchanges can still put pressure on US weapons stocks.
The problem becomes more serious during a long war because advanced interceptors cannot be produced instantly. The United States has therefore started increasing production. In September, the Pentagon awarded RTX’s Raytheon a provisional $20.7 billion contract to increase AMRAAM missile production. It has also signed a $58.6 billion Patriot interceptor agreement with Lockheed Martin.
These contracts show that Washington recognizes the need to rebuild its weapons stocks. However, factories need time to expand production, find workers, and secure specialized components. The war has therefore exposed a gap between the number of weapons that the US military may need during a major conflict and the speed at which industry can replace them.
Vulnerability of American Bases
Another important lesson from the war is the vulnerability of American military bases in the Middle East. The United States operates military facilities in countries including Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Jordan and Iraq. These bases are strategically important because they allow American forces to operate close to potential conflict zones.
However, they can also become targets. Iran has repeatedly used missiles and drones against American military facilities. A Pentagon watchdog report found that hundreds of buildings and structures at US military installations in the region were damaged or destroyed during the conflict.
American aircraft have also been lost or damaged. The Pentagon report recorded the loss of at least 30 MQ-9 Reaper drones, along with damage to other aircraft. The Reaper is important because it provides surveillance, intelligence, and strike capabilities without putting a pilot directly in danger.
The attacks have shown that American bases are not completely protected by distance. Modern missiles and drones can travel long distances and threaten aircraft, buildings, fuel supplies, and other infrastructure. This could force the United States to rethink how it protects overseas bases. Greater dispersal of aircraft, stronger shelters, and better air-defence systems may become increasingly important in future conflicts.
The Logistics Problem
The war has also highlighted the importance of logistics. Military strength is not only about aircraft, ships, and missiles. A military also needs fuel, spare parts, ammunition, maintenance facilities and transportation. Without these resources, even advanced weapons cannot continue operating effectively.
The Iran War has created logistical challenges for American forces in the region. A Pentagon assessment highlighted difficulties involving naval bases and access to ports for resupply. It also noted the long distances involved in shifting logistics support to Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, where sea transportation could require 14 to 18 days.
Such distances may not be a major problem during peacetime, but they become important during war. If an aircraft needs a spare part or a military unit needs ammunition, delays can affect operations. The conflict has therefore shown that America’s global military presence is both an advantage and a challenge. The United States can operate across the world, but maintaining those forces requires a large and complicated supply network.
Has Iran Defeated the United States?
Despite these problems, it would be incorrect to say that Iran has defeated the United States militarily. The military balance between the two countries remains heavily in America’s favour. The United States has advanced aircraft, aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, sophisticated intelligence systems, satellites and a much larger defence-industrial base.
American forces have also carried out major attacks against Iranian military infrastructure, including air-defence systems, radar installations, missile facilities and maritime assets. US Central Command has continued to report offensive operations against Iranian military targets.
Iran therefore has not demonstrated that it can match the United States in conventional military power. What Iran has demonstrated is something different: a weaker military can still impose significant costs on a much stronger opponent. By using missiles and drones, Iran has forced the United States to spend large amounts of money on defence while using valuable ammunition. This does not amount to defeating the American military, but it does show that American superiority does not mean that every conflict will be cheap or easy.
Why the War Matters Beyond Iran
The lessons from Iran are particularly important because the United States also must prepare for possible conflicts with countries that have much greater military resources. China has a large missile arsenal, a growing navy and an expanding defence industry. Russia also possesses a major missile capability and a large military-industrial base.
If Iran can put pressure on American missile stocks and air-defence systems, a conflict with a larger military power could create an even greater challenge. This is particularly important in the Indo-Pacific. A possible conflict involving China would cover a huge geographical area, requiring American forces to protect aircraft carriers, air bases, ships and supply routes across thousands of kilometers.
The depletion of American weapons during the Iran War therefore matters beyond the Middle East. American defence planners have to consider whether the country has enough weapons to sustain one major conflict while still being prepared for another crisis.
Rebuilding American Military Capacity
The United States has already started taking steps to increase weapons production. In August, the US Navy awarded Raytheon a $22.9 billion contract intended to increase Tomahawk production from around 60 missiles a year to more than 1,000. The September AMRAAM contract is another example of this effort. These decisions show that Washington understands that the problem is not only the quality of its weapons but also the number available.
However, rebuilding military stocks cannot happen immediately. Defence factories need additional workers, raw materials, machinery, and specialized components. Some advanced weapons also require complicated production processes. This means that the United States may face a temporary gap between what its military needs during a conflict and what its defence industry can produce at that moment. The Iran War has therefore raised questions about the quantity as well as the quality of American military equipment.
The Need for Cheaper Defences
Another lesson from the war is the need for cheaper ways of dealing with drones and other relatively inexpensive threats. Using an expensive interceptor against a dangerous ballistic missile may be necessary. However, repeatedly using costly missiles against cheaper drones can put pressure on American weapons stocks and defence spending.
The United States is therefore likely to increase its focus on electronic warfare, directed-energy weapons and cheaper interceptors. These systems could deal with smaller threats while allowing advanced missile-defence systems to focus on more serious attacks. This would create a layered defence system in which the most expensive weapons are not used against every incoming threat.
Conclusion
The Iran War has not broken or defeated the US military. The United States remains the world’s most powerful military, with major advantages in air power, naval power, intelligence, technology and defence production. However, the conflict has exposed important weaknesses in American military readiness. Large quantities of advanced weapons have been used, American bases have suffered damage, aircraft and drones have been lost, and American servicemembers have been killed and wounded. The financial cost has also reached tens of billions of dollars. The most important lesson is that military superiority is not only about having the most advanced weapons. It is also about having enough weapons, supplies, and production capacity to continue fighting for a long period. Iran has shown that a country with fewer military resources can still create serious costs for a much stronger opponent by using missiles and drones, attacking military bases and forcing the United States to use expensive defensive systems.
Therefore, the Iran War should not be viewed as a defeat for American military power. Instead, it has exposed weaknesses that were already present in the US defence system. The United States now has to rebuild missile stocks, increase production, improve the protection of overseas bases and find cheaper ways to deal with drones and other low-cost threats. The war has therefore weakened some aspects of US military readiness, but it has not fundamentally weakened US military power. Its long-term significance will depend on how successfully the United States responds to these lessons and prepares for future conflicts.
