RESEARCH PAPER: INDIA’S NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY- A CONTEMPORARY ANALYSIS

GSDN

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February 7, 2023

RESEARCH PAPER: INDIA’S NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY- A CONTEMPORARY ANALYSIS

By: Khushbu Ahlawat, GSDN

India and her neighbours: source Internet

INTRODUCTION

India has a distinctive personality as a geographical entity. Its borders are shared by countries that range widely in size, power, and resources—Afghanistan, Bhutan, Bangladesh, the Maldives, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Nepal. India is continuously struggling to establish steady and solid ties with its neighbors. Atal Bihari Vajpayee had once famously said, ‘You can change your friends but not neighbors. Creating strong connections between India’s domestic aspirations and its foreign policy goals is essential if it is to play a significant role in the new multipolar international politics.

FEATURES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF INDIA’S NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY

Improving relations with neighbors is a top priority since the development objective in South Asia can only be realized with peace and tranquility in the region. India’s “neighborhood first” policy actively strengthens ties with its close neighbors.
Dialogue: It focuses on active regional diplomacy by interacting with neighbors and fostering political ties through conversation. The first step in this strategy was to invite all heads of state from SAARC nations to the Prime Minister’s oath-taking ceremony in 2014.
The focus is on reaching a mutually agreeable solution to bilateral disagreements. For instance, a deal was made by Bangladesh and India to put into effect the historic Land Boundary Agreement (LBA).
Connectivity: The goal of the “Kathmandu Declaration” which was adopted in 2014 at the conclusion of the 18th SAARC summit held in Kathmandu, Nepal, was to hasten regional development and collaboration. It was decided that it was time to “revitalize” SAARC and turn the group into a powerful tool for achieving the objectives of development. This proclamation was a result of the South Asian nations’ growing desire to work together and advance as a region and strengthen peace, stability, and prosperity.
Cooperation on the economy: This focuses on fostering trade relations with neighbors. The Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal (BBIN) grouping for energy development, including the management of waterpower and inter grid connectivity, is one example of this.
The policy placed a strong emphasis on technical cooperation. Recently, a SAARC-specific satellite was created to bring the benefits of technology, such as telemedicine and e-learning, to people all over South Asia.
Disaster management: India offers assistance to all South Asian citizens in the areas of disaster response, resource management, weather forecasting, communication, and capabilities and knowledge in disaster management. For instance, India generously helped its neighbor Nepal recover from the 2016 earthquake.
Defense and military cooperation: India is putting a lot of effort towards enhancing regional security through military cooperation. Several exercises, such as Surya Kiran with Nepal and Sampriti with Bangladesh, seek to improve defense ties.
Gujral Doctrine Implementation: India’s neighborhood policy should be based on the principles of the Gujral Doctrine. This would ensure that India’s stature and strength are not divorced from the quality of its relations with its neighbors and that regional growth can occur.
Policy Non-interference and Dealing with Big Brother: The size of India influences how our neighbors perceive India and its policies. India accounts for a significant portion of South Asia’s land area, population, economic activity, and resources. As a result, India and its neighbors must be mindful of their neighbors’ discomfort at dealing with a large neighbor and adhere to a policy of non-interference in domestic affairs.
Panchsheel, also known as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, was signed in 1954 and served as the foundation for India’s bilateral relations with other countries.

MAJOR ISSUES BETWEEN INDIA AND NEPAL

India’s involvement with Nepal has been guided by its “Neighborhood First” and “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” policies. India’s primary goal in this regard has been to support Nepal at times of adversity, like providing aid and grants for infrastructure development, human security, etc.

Strong historical linkages in terms of religion, culture, and politics exist between India and Nepal. Both nations shared civilizational and cultural ties that have been created via marriage, family, and other familial relations.

Status of the Indo-Nepal Border

The Sugauli Treaty was ratified in 1816, and soon after that, the border between India and Nepal was marked out. When negotiations for a new border treaty with British India began on November 1, 1860, and were finally completed in 1885, the job of demarcation was further intensified. It is often referred to as the area between Mechi and Mahakali rivers. However, as the delineation and demarcation of the entire border area still need to be finished, there remains a disagreement regarding the border between the two countries in various locations and across various regions. India has stationed its paramilitary force along the border with Nepal. Similarly, the Nepali government has stationed the Armed Police Force in 20 Terai districts since March 2007 to help secure the country’s borders and stop money from leaking out.

Limpiyadhura, Lipulekh and Kalapani

The bilateral Treaty of Peace and Friendship governs the 1800 km of the open international border that the two nations share. According to The Treaty of Sugauli, Nepal historically owned the region between Kalapani and Limpiyadhura, located east of the Kali river. India, however, has purposefully interpreted the Kali River’s origin to assert its ownership of Nepal’s lands in the Kalapani-Limpiyadhura region, including the Lipu Lekh region. Nepal and India established a Joint Technical Committee in 1981 to settle the conflict.

On May 8, 2020, when Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh opened the 80-kilometer road to Mansarovar—part of which is constructed on Nepal’s land in the Lipu Lekh area—the border tension erupted once more. Since the origin of the Limpiyadhura is marked on maps created by Indian surveys in 1850 and 1856 as being 16 kilometers northwest of Kalapani, Nepal claims ownership of the Kalapnai. However, India rejects it as proof. They claim that the 1875 Indian Map should be taken into consideration.

Susta

Another area that Nepal and India disagree over is Susta. It is currently governed by India and is a part of the province of Bihar. Residents of a village in Susta claim that Susta is Nepali territory and that they are citizens of Nepal. The Gandaki River was designated as India and Nepal’s international border by the Sugauli Treaty of 1816. While India controlled the left bank of the Gandaki River, Nepal controlled its right bank. Susta village, a part of Nepal at the time the treaty was signed, was initially on the right side. Susta migrated to the left bank and is now under Indian jurisdiction due to the Gandaki river’s alteration over the course of time. Susta is Nepali territory, according to the government of Nepal, and the Indian government should give it back. Since the border was established, the Gandaki river’s channel has changed on the Indian side of the river and further intensified tensions.

Border issues in other various Regions

Mechi River, the Antu Hill region, Ramnagar, the northern face of Chure Mountain, the southern front of the jungle, etc., are considered to be the original dispute border locations. Kalapani, Limpiyahura, Susta, Mechi, and Tanakpur are some of the central regions of contention. These disagreements have become more frequent in the last ten years. India’s deforestation of Nepal’s four-sided jungle and India’s encroachment on Nepal’s territory created problems. Mechi is the second contentious issue that is frequently brought up. The Mechi border dispute was brought on by India’s opposition to utilizing the “Junge pillars” as the primary boundary pillars. Disputed border areas like Susta, Arra, Nala, Tal Bangonde, etc., need more boundary pillars. The number of border disputes is quickly rising. In 26 districts, Nepal and India share a border, and there are 54 locations in Nepal where there is a border issue. Over 60,000 acres of Nepalese land have reportedly been invaded by Indian territory.

These pillars are marked as the primary boundary pillars on the British India map that was released shortly after the Sauguli Treaty, and it is apparent from history that the British built these pillars as markers for the Nepal–India border. India, meanwhile, continues to contest that these pillars serve as the border.

Nepali Citizenship Act of 2020 and its Impact on India

Both nations have a ROTI-BETI relationship, and this shows that Both nations have deep people-to-people ties. In 1952, the Nepal Citizenship Act was passed, allowing the citizens of India to take up citizenship of Nepal with much ease. The Indian Women hailing from Uttrakhand, Sikkim, UP, and Bihar have a long tradition of marital ties with the people of Nepal. After marriage, when the Indian woman renounces her Indian citizenship, she would automatically acquires Nepali citizenship. But under new law now, women would have to wait for seven years before acquiring Nepali citizenship. This further deteriorated their relationship.

India and Nepal and the Madhesi Problem

Nepal is governed according to the Constitution of Nepal, which was enacted on September 20, 2015, replacing the Interim Constitution of 2007. Nepal has alleged that India did not “welcome” the new constitution. The Indian government said that the constitution of Nepal was not based on collective ownership because, in the new constitution, Madhesis and Tharus were left out. Only the Pahadis have the dominant role in the new constitution. The new constitution does not have equal representation of all groups in Parliament. In the new constitution, Article 84, which talks of representation, have dropped the points related to Madhesis. Citizenship issues are also at the forefront. Many Madhesis have citizenship by birth, but per the new constitution, Article 282 mandates that posts of President and PM of Nepal are reserved exclusively for those with citizenship by descent.

Nepal tilts toward China

Recently, China has been seen as more “functional” than Nepal. A new government headed by Pushpa Kamal Dahal initially operated on the same tenet. The much-anticipated Gyorong-Kathmandu train project’s final survey has also started as of January 1, 2023, and the border crossing at Rasuwagadhi, which had been closed for three years, has been reopened for two-way trade. It is also predicted that the second phase of the 10-lane ring road project from Kalanki to Chabhil will begin soon. Under Beijing’s BRI, China and Nepal have signed a six-point agreement to increase bilateral cooperation and exchanges on governance, law, and oversight practices. At the beginning of 2019, Nepal proposed nine future projects that may be carried out under the BRI. These included constructing new roads, tunnels, and dams to generate power and determining the viability of creating a trans-Himalayan railway that would link Keyrung, a Chinese port of entry, with Kathmandu.

Additionally, China is constructing a border river crossing at Hilsa, Humla, investigating the possibility of finding gas and oil resources there. It will create a new area of mutually beneficial partnership. Several road, sea, and corridor networks are worldwide under BRI and the Trans-Himalayan multi-dimensional Connectivity Network. This would turn Nepal from a landlocked to a land-linked country. India did not like China’s engagement in Nepal.

CURRENT STATUS OF INDIA AND NEPAL RELATIONS

The friendship between India and Nepal has survived various difficult periods, and turbulences have occurred in recent years. In a few years, it has become usual practice for some Nepali leaders to use India as a political punching bag at home. Nevertheless, it did damage India-Nepal relations to some extent.

When KP Sharma Oli became Nepal’s prime minister in 2018, problems with the two countries’ relations started to surface. The Oli government stated that it had a strong affinity for China and wasn’t afraid to bring up controversial matters like the whereabouts of Lord Ram’s birth and territory conflicts in Limpiyadhura, Kalapani, and Lipulekh. Even further, the former prime minister called the coronavirus the “Indian virus” and accused India of spreading it to Nepal.

Analysts contend that this anti-Indian sentiment is often encouraged by China and reflects Nepal’s domestic political unrest. Many people think the Oli government’s campaign to demonize India aimed to distract the public from the chaotic situation in Nepal’s political circles since his position in the coalition government was shaky. Nevertheless, relations improved as Sher Bahadur Deuba became Nepal’s new prime minister. Traveling to Lumbini, the birthplace of Gautama Buddha, on Buddha Purnima this year reached a turning point. This outreach by the Indian Head of Government not only demonstrated to the two neighbors how highly cherished our shared culture is but also demonstrated the significance and attention placed on mending the relationships at the highest levels.

The combined India-Nepal intentions to incorporate Lumbini in the Buddhist circuit being marketed by Indian tour companies came along with this visit. This would be in addition to the plan to construct the Ramayan Circuit, which connects several locations in the two neighboring nations. The relationship was further strengthened when the Indian prime minister laid the cornerstone for an Indian monastery. Not only were agreements on infrastructure and other fronts made visible, but also soft power links.

The comment made by Prime Minister Modi that bilateral relations between India and Nepal are “as stable as the Himalayas” demonstrated that the initial difficulties in relations between the two nations have now mostly been resolved. Recently, on the 74th Republic Day, Indian Ambassador Srivastava stated that the exchange of high-level visits from both nations had given relations between India and Nepal a new dimension.

The conclusion of the most recent general elections in Nepal and the swearing-in of “Prachanda” as the country’s new prime minister on December 25, 2022, could signal the beginning of a new chapter in India-Nepal relations that will strengthen the political, economic, and cultural ties between the two neighbors.

CONCRETE MEASURES TO IMPROVE INDIA AND NEPAL RELATIONS

On how to resolve border issues, various people have different perspectives. Based on the document, the border conflicts between the two bordering countries should be resolved. They might use third-world nations as mediators in the conflict. Based information may be verified using satellite imagery, identifying changes in the river’s course. Consequently, we can determine where the river was precise during the treaty.

It is possible to measure the area scientifically using the Global Positioning System. The control point’s image should be taken using a UAV, so we can still find the control point if it is lost or destroyed. On border sites, periodic monitoring and surveying are required. The border should be made known to the local population. The public should pressure the government to carry out the accords and agreements. In the border region, security forces should be established—elimination of all residents in no-man’s-land zones. The country should be prepared to request assistance from the United Nations Organization. We must turn to an international court if the issue is ultimately unsolvable.

China has had a history of involvement in Nepal. India’s ability to effectively compete with China to defend its interests and preserve its sphere of influence will depend on New Delhi’s ability to challenge China generally and on India’s political resolve to handle its problematic policies regarding Nepal. Nepal can’t escape its reliance on India. India is and will remain crucial to the country in many ways. However, Nepal is committed to taking advantage of cooperation chances with foreign partners, notably China; thus, such a policy is doomed to failure. China is influencing Nepali society for the better by giving generously and strategically. Therefore, India should move away from its traditional security perspective and take the initiative with creative methods and policies.

To mend their relationship, the most significant milestone is the inauguration of train operations on the Jaynagar-Kurtha Section of the Jaynagar-Bardibas rail link by Shri Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India, and Shri Sher Bahadur Deuba, Prime Minister of Nepal on April 2, 2022, which is Nepal’s first cross-border broad-gauge rail project. In the energy sector, the collaboration that began with Trishuli Hydropower Projects, Pokhara Hydropower Projects, Kataiya Power House, and Devigh at Hydro-eclectic project has progressed with the commissioning of the Motihari-Amlekhgunj Petroleum Pipeline, the region’s first cross-border petroleum product pipeline. A major project currently underway is the construction of Nepal’s National Police Academy, for which the ground-breaking ceremony was co-performed by Shri Naveen Srivastava, Ambassador of India to Nepal, and Mr. Bal Krishna Khand, Home Minister of the Government of Nepal. HICDPs, formerly known as Small Development Projects (SDPs), are another important portfolio of development partnerships to repair their relationship. In order to mend their relationship, Kathmandu University, and IIT Madras developed a collaborative degree program in education.

Conclusion

India is working to rebuild its reputation, image, and power in the region by constructively interacting with its neighbors. India’s capacity to overcome obstacles will determine whether commitments are kept and ties with its neighbors are maintained. India can gain the trust of its neighbors by utilizing its soft power, alternative regional agreements, and new integration chances like education and culture.

The Importance of Xinjiang for China

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February 4, 2023

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By: Bidisha Chatterjee, Research Analyst, GSDN

The People’s Republic of China has risen to a tremendous economic development in the past decade. The country is now focusing on enhancing its global outreach through a series of projects such as China’s pioneering Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Chinese President Xi Jinping had put forth the One Belt One Road (OBOR) project in 2013 to build a line of communication through railways, roadways, power grids and maritime ports etc. that run through the Europe and Asia. In that frame, Xinjiang region becomes strategically important for China as it serves as the junction between China, Middle East and Central Asian nations; and is developing as the trade hub between these geopolitical powers. Chinese government is eager to maintain its power and position over the Xinjiang region to facilitate its ambitious westward march.

Xinjiang was earlier known as East Turkestan or East Turkistan and has been part of People’s Republic of China since 1949. In 1954, Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) was established to promote local economy by settling retired soldiers in this region.

With about 1.6 million square kilometers area and more than 25 million inhabitants, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR) or Xinjiang is largest province-level division of the country. Xinjiang is located on the northwest side of China and connects the country to the East Asia and Central Asia. Xinjiang shares its borders with countries like Russia, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India. The autonomous region is a vast landscape of deserts and mountains, however, only 9.7% of Xinjiang’s area is suitable for human settlement. The region is known for its richness in natural resources and cultural diversity. It is home to various ethnic groups including the Turkic Uyghur people, Mongols, Kazakhs, Russians, Han Chinese, and Tibetans etc.

Xinjiang, due to its strategic position and geographic advantage, has always been looked as a prized possession. The area has around 2,500 years of recorded history and has been the part of many powerful dynasties. Under the rule of Han Dynasty, the area served a very important purpose. The empire had established many profitable routes for the historic Silk Road and the most well-known route of the Silk Road passed through the region from its east borders to the northwestern borders. Xinjiang region is regarded as an important political buffer zone and its stability is necessary for the success of China’s Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB).

Historical Significance and the Xinjiang Conflict

Xinjiang has been a region of contest throughout the history. Many parts of the area has been controlled by the Han dynasty, Turkic Muslim rulers, Qing dynasty and many other Chinese, Muslim and Asian powers. The region was a gateway for the western world and served as a trade market. Xinjiang also shared the cultural, historical and ethnic links with Central Asia. It contained the major route of the historic Silk Road running through it. The present demographic of Xinjiang can be attributed to the “settler colonialism” strategy of the Qing dynasty. The rulers from the Qing hierarchy, towards the end of the rule, focused on colonizing Xinjiang and facilitated the settlement of Han Chinese community on the frontier. The similar policy was followed by People’s Republic of China after the establishment of of Xinjiang Ugyur Autonomous Region in 1955.

Chinese state under the rule of Mao, orchestrated a mass migration of millions of Han Chinese to settle in Xinjiang. Between 1950s and 1970s the population of Han Chinese in the region rose from 7 percent to about 40 percent. Presently, the more educated Han Chinese community forms the majority group in the industrialized capital city of Ürümqi consisting of 75 percent of its 2.3 million population. Uygur community in the capital is about 12.8 percent large and other ethnic groups form about 10 percent of the population. The economically poor region has been facing several separatist conflicts since past several years. The 2009 incident of the communal clash between Uyghur and Han Chinese in Ürümqi, leading to the death of hundreds of people, was one of the major incidents of unrest between the local communities of the autonomous region. The ongoing tensions in the area are primarily the aftermath of the Chinese policy of strict unity, harsh response to separatism, lack of administration, local communal elements and suppression of various religious expressions of Uygur Muslims. Lately Chinese Communist Party has resorted to the mass surveillance and indoctrination of ethnic minorities in the region.

Economical and Geostrategic Importance of Xinjiang

Xinjiang is the energy powerhouse of People’s Republic of China. The region has second largest solar, wind and hydropower resources in the country. The region provides an essential support to China towards its power strategy. It is known as the hub of rare earth minerals like tungsten, molybdenum, iron, zinc, copper, chromium, and nickel. Xinjiang is also rich in hydrocarbons, oils and gas. The autonomous region serves as a prudent fulcrum for China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which aims to connect Asia and Europe while also extending the Chinese influence on world sphere. Four out of six major routes of Belt and Road Initiative pass through the region of Xinjiang. Most of the western China along with the Xinjiang autonomous region is impoverished and rural. The communities live with the most basic facilities and are more prone to ideological whitewashing. Chinese government under the Jinping administration aims to develop the Xinjiang region as a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), as to facilitate its economic and administrative upliftment. The leadership is working for the urbanization of the autonomous area to foster modern values in the ethnic communities and eliminate poverty.

Xinjiang along with Mongolia and Tibet has served as a political buffer for the Chinese peninsula. The large cold mountains provide a natural barrier for invaders and foreign tensions since ancient times. Three of the major airbases- Hotan, Kashgar and Ngari Gunsa- are located in the region. Being in the centre of Asia, the Xinjiang autonomous region provides China with the ability to extend its influence in the whole neighborhood from South Asian countries like India and Pakistan to Central Asia and Russia. The region has also helped China to extend its communication network up to Europe.

The region was majorly affected by the communal elements from the erstwhile Soviet Union after the “Cultural Revolution” of 1949. The majority population of Uygur Muslims was subjected to strict religious restrictions. Mosques were closed and religious teachings were prohibited leading to massive protests from the ethnic minorities and an urge to liberate Xinjiang. China has since emphasized on the Sinicization of the Xinjiang in order to hold its firm control over a very important trade hub and military point.

The way ahead for Xinjiang

China has risen to power mainly after the collapse of Soviet Union. With its rigorous policy structures, the country has managed to become the biggest Asian and second biggest world economy. Its influence in the world has grown on an impressive scale. China and its administration under Xi Jinping has successfully propagated the “Go West” program through their impressive network of railways, roadways and maritime ports to achieve the goal of being a bigger global power. However, a comprehensive territorial integrity and prosperity in the country still has to be the immediate priority for the leadership. As to achieve a firm foreign policy, a sound domestic policy should be formed and implemented.

People’s Republic of China has been promoting the leap frog development in Xinjiang to strengthen its Great Western Developmental Program. The prosperity and stability of the autonomous region is in overall interest of China as the region provides an access to huge natural energy resources. In order to maintain a sound territorial integrity as well as to fulfill the strategic and energy objectives of China, Xinjiang region has to be controlled by the Chinese government. Xinjiang has had its historical significance of being a trading hub in the ancient times and it still holds its value to the present day. About 80 percent of Chinese trade to Central Asia is done through the region. Xinjiang also serves as a communication portal for European land as six out eight Sino-European railways originates from here. The great Chinese Rise that the world is witnessing cannot be completed without the cooperation of Xinjiang. Despite of being a resource rich region, Xinjiang still lacks in economic prosperity and effective administration. Hence like Taiwan or Tibet, development in Xinjiang has become a foremost priority for the Chinese country.

China is the primary promoter of the idea of “three evils” (extremism, terrorism and separatism) in this province. The autonomous region of Xinjiang has been dealing these conflicts since 1990s. The Chinese government has issued various guidelines and policy regulations to control the political outcry, however, most of the actions have been severe and harsh on the ethnic minorities living in China’s Xinjiang region. With number of local and international protests rising, many world leaders have also made their stance clear. The United States of America and some other nations has already labeled the atrocities in the Xinjiang region by the Chinese government as genocide. Although this situation has put People’s Republic of China in a tight spot, the ultimate idea has to be about the welfare of the diverse population of the Xinjiang region.

Pakistan’s Economic Crisis: The End of Pakistan?

GSDN

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February 2, 2023

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Pakistan’s Economic Crisis: The End of Pakistan?

MILITARY CRISIS IN ETHIOPIA

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February 1, 2023

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<strong><u>MILITARY CRISIS IN ETHIOPIA</u></strong>

By: Patted Shamanth, GSDN

Ethiopia is ethnically heterogeneous; with over 80 major ethnic groups. The 1994 Constitution made Ethiopia a federal republic with the right to self-determination for ethnically-based regional entities. Ethnicity has been the cornerstone of political representation since 1991, when the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), was founded. A coalition of four major ethnically oriented parties with the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) functioning as the coalition’s leading force.

However, the long-reigning Tigrayan control of the national government was overthrown by protests in 2017 and Abiy Ahmed Ali was appointed Ethiopia’s prime minister in April 2018. He pledged to undertake a series of reforms that included the creation of the (PP) Prosperity Party (A single ruling party that was replaced by the EPRDF). However, three of EPRDF’s four parties were merged into PP, while TPLF refused to integrate itself with PP. The creation of the PP and his decisions to bypass TPLF in the appointment of the new cabinet and top officers was perceived as moving away from Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism.

Furthermore, in 2020, tensions swelled as the Abiy Ahmed-led government decided to extend the prime minister’s tenure and postpone the elections scheduled for August that year until the end of the pandemic. Deeming the decision invalid the Tigrayan regional government held a regional election in September 2020. The TPLF secured the majority of seats in the regional parliament. In retaliation, the ruling government cut their budgetary allocations for Tigray as their actions were considered invalid.

On November 3, 2020, these tensions escalated even further and erupted into a full-fledged war. When Abiy Ahmed ordered a military offensive by the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) against the Tigray Defense Force (TDF), who had taken control of the military headquarters in Mekelle, the regional capital of Tigray. Further tensions spilled over among other ethnic groups outside of Tigray, in which a slew of violent attacks against ethnically Oromo residents was witnessed. the government issued an order proclaiming an emergency in Amhara state in April 2021.

The overall conflict erupted into a civil war, with disastrous humanitarian effects by worsening the living conditions of almost six million people. In addition to the conflict, Tigray has had one of the worst famines in recent times, which was made worse by Abiy Ahmed’s decision to repeatedly deny humanitarian access to the region. Ethiopia also reported 5.1 million internally displaced people in a single year, the most of any country in a single year in 2021. This overall general state of affairs not only brings about humanitarian misery but also restrains economic development. As Resources shift from productive to destructive activities, reducing growth would result in Ethiopia’s fragmentation, placing it at risk of becoming yet another failed state.

Also, Ethiopia is at the centre of one of Africa’s five major disputes: the Nile water conflict or the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) issue. As a result of the continuing internal crises, Sudan and Egypt might have a gain over the GERD issue. Interestingly, even a small spill over effect from the Ethiopian crisis could have a grave influence on the stability of its neighbours. As the Horn of Africa is a conflict-inner region where both internal and external threats to a state intertwine, each nation’s security and stability are closely related to those of its neighbours.

Taiwan’s Vice–President elected as the new Chairperson of DPP

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January 31, 2023

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Taiwan’s Vice–President elected as the new Chairperson of DPP

By: Rajlaxmi Deshmukh, GSDN

The Vice-President of Taiwan, William Lai was elected as a new Chairperson of the ruling party-Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) on January 15, 2023. He is serving as the Vice-President of Taiwan since 2020. Lai had an unopposed win which is setting a stage for him to run for presidential elections next year. As per Sidney Lin, the interim Secretary General of DPP, Lai won the elections with 99.65% votes.

DPP was defeated in local elections after which President Tsai-Ing-wen stepped down as the chairperson of DPP. Elections for the Chairperson of DPP were held later over a month after her resignation.

Lai made a statement “go all in to undertake the mission” and to win back the trust of people and unite the party. While talking about Taiwan’s independence Lai said that, Taiwan already is a sovereign and independent nation and therefore there is no need to declare Taiwan’s independence. He made this statement during his swearing ceremony as the Chairperson of DPP by calling himself ‘a political worker for Taiwanese independence.’

Taiwan is a democracy, while China is under the communist rule; both the entities follow two different systems. Under Xi Jingping’s proposal of one country, two systems formula which is also present in Hong Kong, but this proposal has been rejected by Taiwan. The current chair of DPP believes in independence of Taiwan and its sovereignty which is against ‘One China policy,’ thus making a shift in party’s policy regarding Beijing.

A prominent reason of tensions between China and Taiwan is regarding the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan Strait is a 180 kilometers wide water body in the South China Sea separating Taiwan from mainland China.

Recently after the visit of Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of US House of Representatives to Taiwan, tensions increased between the two states. Beijing has increased its aggressive actions in the Taiwan Strait by sending fighter jets, naval ships in the proximity of the Taiwanese island. China’s constant attacks, military threats and lack of efforts to alter status-quo are to blame for increasing tensions, which becomes a threat for Taiwan’s security and defense. The core issue of cross- strait is the Chinese Communist party’s intimidation in Taiwan.

The new DPP chair’s cross-strait policy will be closely aligned to Tsai’s which is about upholding status-quo in Taiwan Strait and promoting cross-strait people to people exchange.

Due to the unreliability of Communist party of China, democratic countries are reaching out to Taiwan to establish friendly relations. Taiwan is developing relations with likeminded nations like USA and Japan to counter Chinese threats and promote regional stability.

Tsai’s cross-strait policy calls for peace, parity, democracy and dialogue to foster positive interactions and ties for the well-being of people on the both sides of the strait.

Lai stated that he would be using party’s platform to protect and promote democracy, peace and prosperity which would be carried out by policies emphasizing on the economical, societal issues, national defense and peace between China and Taiwan and also in the region of Indo- Pacific. Lai has vowed to further Tsai’s cross-strait stance and would promote dialogue between China and Taiwan.

Revisiting the 1971 Indo-Pak War: Lessons learnt in context with the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War

GSDN

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January 30, 2023

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Revisiting the 1971 Indo-Pak War: Lessons learnt in context with the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War

By: Devyani Wadera, Research Analyst, GSDN

India-Pakistan War of 1971 and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War: source Internet

Bangladesh, which is seen as an independent republic today, was once part of Pakistan. This state came into its own with the 1971 Indo-Pak war which ended on December 16, 1971 duly marking Bangladesh’s independence. This date portrays a very paradoxical memory for the nations who were embroiled in this turmoil, telling the story of Bangladesh’s long-awaited liberation, India’s decisive victory, and Pakistan’s surrender. The war lasted 13 days and is considered the shortest war in history with India securing a decisive victory and aiding Bangladesh in its quest for self-determination. This war was a blow to Pakistan as it led to the inevitable dismemberment of its country, with the added humiliation of an unconditional public surrender. What ignited this war was the rising Bengali nationalist movement born from the feelings of resentment and agony against the West Pakistani establishment over years of deprivation and oppression. The sheer magnitude of the revolution was staggering not only for the Pakistani regime but for the entire subcontinent which witnessed the defiance of the Bengalis.

Pakistan seceded from erstwhile India on the basis of the two-nation theory which stated that Hindus and Muslims are inherently different and incompatible due to their conflicting religions. Therefore, Pakistan was formed to protect the interests of Muslims with the belief that what united the citizens was their identity as Muslims. However, Pakistan was divided into East and West Pakistan separated by 1600 km of Indian Territory creating differences from the very beginning. The state was marred with problems of unity, not due to the geographical distance but a cultural distance between the two wings that became the major bone of contention. Since Pakistan’s very existence, Bengalis accused the Punjabi regime of subordinating their culture. There was an air of superiority in West Pakistan with a disdain for Bengalis and their culture, believing it was inferior. West Pakistanis claimed that they belonged to the ‘race of the conquerors’ while Bengalis in the words of Punjabi leader Malik Khan Noon, Governor of East Bengal “the East Pakistanis Muslims were converted to Islam from low caste Hindus, and they were not real Muslims.”

The economic and political deprivation blended with the suppression of Bengali culture was a wrong trajectory chosen by Pakistan. It resulted in a dichotomic state where West Pakistan was prospering and East Pakistan was being treated as second-class citizens in their own country. The outright economic disparity can be witnessed through how only 1,500 crores were invested in the eastern wing as compared to 5000 crores spent in West Pakistan. Additionally, 2.6 billion dollars were shifted from East Pakistan to West Pakistan speaking of how the East entered a second colonial era under the Western wing. The political and military power was also concentrated in West Pakistan with the capital being Karachi and the monopoly over bureaucratic, military positions. However, the major dissension was the imposition of Urdu as the official language. The rebuff of Bengali was seen as cultural antagonism leading to widespread agitations. This movement had far-reaching consequences as it fuelled a sub-regional identity among the Bengalis. East Pakistanis now identified more with their language and ethnicity than the common identity of religion.

The Eastern wing showed its discontentment in the 1970 general elections when the Awami League led by Sheikh Mujibir Rahman won the elections. The result was alarming for President Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, leader of the Pakistan People’s Party who were not willing to relinquish control. Many rounds of phony negotiations were held by Khan and Bhutto to keep the Bengalis under the influence that political power will be transferred. While the negotiations were going on the Pakistani army which had been building up forces in the eastern wing since February launched Operation Searchlight, a violent crackdown to suppress the nationalist movement. A planned genocide was unleashed on March 25, 1971, with the army deployed in Dhaka, Chittagong, and other prime locations. The genocide started at 11:30 pm with the arrest of Rahman from his home and soon the army took positions all over Dhaka rolling down tanks, open firing, and attacking civilians with mortars and rockets. Dhaka University became a place of a bloodbath with Jagannath and Iqbal Hall being the hotspots where hundreds of students, teachers, and their families were queued up and shot. Operation Searchlight killed 5 million people and raped 300,000 women. The turmoil in East Pakistan created an alarming situation in India which was closely watching the monumental changes. East Pakistan was in shambles and its people terror-stricken, finding ways to escape this genocide. Close to 11 million refugees fled to India, which overburdened India’s already strained economy.

The genocide induced support and sympathy for Bengalis in India with many urging the state to go to war with Pakistan. The government realized that if India attacked first, it would be labelled as an aggressor, trying to break Pakistan which will ensure Pakistan getting help from the United Nations and majority of the nation’s refusing to recognize Bangladesh. Additionally, Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, the Chief of Army Staff of the Indian Army, wanted to wait till November for hostilities to begin to avoid Chinese intervention and have time to collect the quantum of force required for such a large-scale operation. Therefore the Indian government made simultaneous efforts to continue the diplomatic drive and also prepare for war. India gave material and moral support as well as training, and expertise to the Mukti Bahanis and was itself involved in skirmishes in operations like Dhalai, Bulge and Akhaura with the Pakistani Army. By November 1971 the violence on the border had increased tremendously and the two countries were on the brink of war. It was at 5:30 pm on December 03, 1971 that the conflict turned into a full-scale war with Pakistani aircrafts dropping bombs on Indian airfields in a pre-emptive air strike. On the same day, Indira Gandhi addressed the nation saying, “The war in Bangladesh has become a war on India,” she said.

The war involved all three branches- army, navy, and air force of the Indian military. The army had to fight this war on both the eastern and western fronts with both having varied terrains and challenges. The strategy devised for the western bloc was to ensure that India does not lose any territory and keep Pakistan under pressure on this front. This was to ensure the Indian army’s swift stream into East Pakistan and capture Dhaka which was the center of power. The strategy implemented here was to bypass the Pakistani army’s strongholds and other prime locations to aim for Dhaka and try to reach the center in a matter of two weeks. The reason behind this plan was to ensure that the war ends in a short period of time to ensure the liberation of Bangladesh without the threat of an attack from the USA or China. Additionally, this was also significant to ensuring a ceasefire is not imposed which would have brought the war to a standstill and resumed the hostilities of West Pakistan in Bangladesh.

On the western front, one of the most memorable engagements was the Battle of Longewala when 120 Indian soldiers were outnumbered by 4000 Pakistani troops, artillery, and tanks. The men did not leave their posts and fiercely faced the enemies and requisitioned support from the airforce. On the morning of 5^th December, the hunter aircraft mercilessly bombarded the Pakistani forces which killed 200 soldiers and destroyed 36 tanks and 100 jeeps. On the other hand, in a situation of all-out war in east Pakistan, the Indian Army had made swift advances within the territory. The Indian Army was able to cut through the strongholds since the Pakistan army was scattered throughout the territory in bits and pieces. Additionally, the Pakistani soldiers were demoralized and fatigued after months of fighting in the eastern wing. Lastly, due to Pakistan’s geographical absurdity, it was not possible for them to transport supplies and soldiers to the east which left the soldiers with a shortage of logistical supplies.

These factors contributed to India’s smooth penetration into Pakistani soil with the Indian Army capturing new territories every day. By the December 06, 1971, the Indian Army had captured Jessore, a strong strategic point, and simultaneously, Operation Trident was launched by the Indian Navy on the Karachi seaport which destroyed four Pakistani vessels and the harbour fuel fields. On December 10, 1971 Indian air force attacked the Chittagong airbase, making the way for the army’s headway for Dhaka. During this time, the Pakistanis were hoping for a direct intervention from China and the US which would have influenced the course of the war in their favor. On the other hand, the Soviet Union was backing India so when the US sent its Seventh Fleet to the Bay of Bengal, the Soviets deployed two groups of cruisers and submarines armed with a nuclear warhead. This resulted in a direct confrontation between the two Superpowers and ultimately caused the US fleet to turn back, thus ensuring that the tide does not turn towards Pakistan.

On December 16, 1971 five brigades of the Indian Army were surrounding Dhaka from all sides and left the Pakistani Army with no choice but to surrender. On this day, the Instrument of Accession was signed between the two countries in a public ceremony in Ramna course, the same place where nine months back Mujibir Rahman had declared independence. This was the world’s only public surrender where 93.000 Pakistani troops laid down their weapons. This war as stated earlier is the shortest war in history only ending in 13 days, due to the Indian army’s strategic cleverness where there was a clear objective of going for Dhaka which would have brought the whole war to a halt. Field Marshal Manekshaw knew that capturing other strategic locations would have taken a lot of time, and caused prolongation of the war and ultimately more destruction and loss of lives. Finally, the culmination of this war declared India’s decisive victory and freedom for the people of Bangladesh who now were going back home to a sovereign nation. For Pakistan, this moment was of sheer humiliation where more than half of its territory was dismembered and seceded into an independent nation.

This tussle viewed in the light of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war which will be completing a year soon teaches us a few lessons as to how modern war needs to be short and swift to ensure strategic gains. This can be witnessed in the 1971 Indo-Pak war as this confrontation only lasted for 13 days and is referred to as the shortest war in modern history. This was possible due to the Indian army’s strategic cleverness where there was a clear objective for going for Dhaka which would have brought all hostilities to a halt. Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw knew that capturing other strategic locations would have taken a lot of time, and caused prolongation of the war. A war is successful for a country when it sets and meets its realistic objectives. Otherwise, the war loses its purpose and ultimately causes its prolongation which can be witnessed with the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This is evident as to how earlier Russia had announced that its objective was to liberate Donbas to create a bridge that connects it with Crimea and Transnistria. However, if this was the initial plan then the Russian army would not have crossed the Dnieper River. This proves that Russia does not have a clear, pragmatic objective which is essentially important as without this aim the fight is directionless. The country does not know what it wants to achieve and what is the end goal of this struggle that can put a stop to this predicament.

As discussed earlier, India waited for nine months to go for a full-fledged war with Pakistan, which was a strong strategic move as the monsoon season was about to begin in East Pakistan. If India would have had taken a hasty military decision it could have hampered India’s success and prolonged the process of liberating Bangladesh. On the other hand, Russia invaded Ukraine in peak winters which slowed Russian tanks on the snow-clad roads and thereby restricted the movement of its troops. Due to the ground conditions, these tanks became an easy target for Ukrainian soldiers who were equipped with the latest US-made Javelin and the British-made NLAW anti-tank missiles. Here the timing chosen by Russia was wrong and proved to be detrimental. In a war, it is of utmost importance that the correct moment is chosen to launch the offensive as it sets the tone for the rest of the tussle. Lastly, when India entered Bangladesh, the people of the country welcomed the army with open arms. The Indian Army had the full support of the locals as well as the Mukti Bahini which made their journey in East Pakistan easier. On the other hand, in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the people of Ukraine did not give up and fully supported their army. The will of the people was not trampled by the mighty force of the Russian army. Instead, a lot of Ukrainian men enlisted in the army, and there was resistance seen from the civilians who employed guerrilla tactics to fight the military. Russia is not only fighting the army of Ukraine, but also the unhindered spirit and passion of its people. This highlights how inherently significant it is to have the support of the people where you are fighting.

The Indo-Pak war demonstrates the strategic cleverness of the Indian forces which resulted in the war being a swift and short action on India’s part. It further highlights how this war not only showcased India’s military prowess but also its tactical intellect.

Republic of Palau’s Ministry of Finance adopts ISO 27001:2022 INFOSEC Risk Management Framework

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January 29, 2023

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Republic of Palau’s Ministry of Finance adopts ISO 27001:2022 INFOSEC Risk Management Framework

By: Jay Hunter Anson

This article describes the steps needed to complete both internal and external ISO 27001 audits that prove the Republic of Palau’s Ministry of Finance follows up-to-date information security management standards.

Overview of ISO/IEC 27001 audits
Importance of ISO 27001 Audits
Types of ISO 27001 Audits
Why an ISO 27001 Audit is Important
ISO 27001 Audit Stages
ISO 27001 Auditors
ISO 27001 Audit Timeline

“Palau’s security strategy is critically dependent on our response to the numerous opportunities and challenges posed by the cyberspace environment in which the international community operates.” 2022 Republic of Palau National Security Strategy

Why ISO 27001?

ISO 27001 is one of the most widely recognized and internationally accepted information security standards. It’s one of the few standards that uses a top-down, risk-based approach to evaluation. It identifies requirements and specifications for a comprehensive Information Security Management System (ISMS), defining how an organization should manage and treat information more securely, including applicable security controls.

Overview of ISO 27001 Audits

An ISO 27001 audit is a review process that ensures the Ministry of Finance’s information security management system (ISMS) aligns with the most recent information security standards, as defined by ISO/IEC 27001:2022 guidelines. Organizations must conduct a series of regular internal audits and external audits to receive and retain their ISO 27001 certification.

ISO 27001 certification will demonstrate that the Ministry of Finance’s ISMS controls are sufficient to secure its data, documents, and other information assets. An ISO 27001 certificate also gives the Ministry of Finance a competitive advantage, showcasing that our security controls are more rigorous and aligned with international standards.

To qualify for certification, the Ministry of Finance must receive an external audit from an accredited, objective auditing firm or approved ISO 27001 auditor to prove their processes and systems meet ISO/IEC 27001:2022 expectations.

Continuous ISO 27001 audits demonstrate the efficiency and efficacy of the Ministry of Finance’s security controls. Plus, these audits measure and show ongoing compliance with ISO standards. Regularly conducting audits allows the Ministry of Finance to review and assess the level of residual risk involved with their existing information security standards.

With the results from an IT audit for ISO 27001, the Ministry of Finance can continue to improve their ISMS controls and standards to make residual risk more tolerable.

Table of Contents

Importance of ISO 27001 Audits

Fundamentally, a series of ISO 27001 audits are required to complete the ISO 27001 certification process. Without successfully completing these audits, the Ministry of Finance cannot claim to comply with the international standards for information security management.

In some cases, the Ministry of Finance may not be able to work with clients or partners who contractually require compliance with ISO 27001 standards to enter or renew a contract. This can make ISO 27001 audits essential for the Ministry of Finance to attract or retain clients within their industry.

After the Ministry of Finance receives its ISO 27001 certification, it must follow a regular auditing schedule to demonstrate ongoing compliance with ISO 27001 standards and maintain certification.

Audits show that the Ministry of Finance’s systems, processes, and controls are working effectively and continuously protecting its information assets.

Regularly scheduled audits assess for new risks as the Ministry of Finance expands, allowing us to identify preemptively any weaknesses in our existing systems. These audits also reveal opportunities for the Ministry of Finance to strengthen existing data management and IT security practices.

Types of ISO 270001 Audits

ISO 27001 compliance requires conducting two types of audits: internal audits and external audits. Accreditation bodies across the world have different requirements for how often audits must be completed to maintain compliance. For the Ministry of Finance to remain ISO 27001 certified, periodic internal and external audit are required.

Internal Audit

An ISO 27001 internal audit is a review of the Ministry of Finance’s ISMS completed by objective, internal staff trained in ISO 27001 standards, or an external contractor hired to work alongside an internal team. Even when an internal audit is completed by an external party, it’s considered internal unless this party is part of an ISO 27001 certification body.

A consistent ISO 27001 audit program is required to maintain compliance. An approved ISO 27001 audit plan defines how frequently internal audits are conducted, the methods used to complete the audit, and who is responsible for planning, completing, and reporting audit results.

The Ministry of Finance works with the certifying body to determine the appropriate ISO 27001 audit frequency. Normally, the Ministry of Finance will be required to complete an annual ISO 27001 audit.

Typically, an ISO 27001 internal audit involves:

Reviewing and maintaining internal documentation for policies and procedures
Sampling evidence from the ISMS as part of a field review, demonstrating that the policies and procedures are followed consistently
Analyzing findings from document review and field review to ensure they meet ISO 27001 requirements
Implementing improvements, as needed, based on audit findings

The ISO 27001 certification audit process begins with an internal audit, where the Ministry of Finance reviews its current IT processes and documents the scope of its ISMS audit for further external review.

Next, the Ministry of Finance completes a risk assessment and gap analysis, presenting these audits alongside other documentation to external auditors or a certifying body.

Finally, if the Ministry of Finance chooses to pursue certification, we must conduct regularly planned internal audits to maintain compliance.

External Audit

External audits are conducted by accredited, certifying bodies to confirm compliance with ISO 27001 standards. the Ministry of Finance must participate in four external audits:

ISMS Design Review. the Ministry of Finance defines the ISMS audit scope and request an accredited auditor complete the ISMS Design Review. During this ISO 27001 external audit, the auditor reviews the Ministry of Finance’s documentation, processes, and procedures to ensure our ISMS controls and design align with ISO 27001 standards. If the Ministry of Finance meets the ISMS Design Review requirements, the auditor will recommend the Ministry of Finance for the Certification Audit.
Certification Audit. During the Certification Audit, an auditor will review the Ministry of Finance’s business processes and controls through a field review to ensure the 93 primary controls of ISO 27001 are met, as referenced in Annex A. Meeting these requirements make the Ministry of Finance eligible for full ISO 27001 certification.
Surveillance Audits. To maintain compliance after certification, certifying bodies conduct Surveillance Audits. Random data samples are evaluated to ensure procedures and processes are being followed, as defined by the Ministry of Finance’s documentation. Surveillance audits often focus on specific ISMS areas and happen before recertification.
Recertification Audits. Finally, the Ministry of Finance will undergo an extensive Recertification Audit every three years to maintain ISO 27001 certification eligibility. This review covers all areas of the ISMS and mimics the initial Certification Audit, ensuring that the Ministry of Finance is continuously following ISO 27001 standards and improving its ISMS as new risks arise.

ISO 27001 Audit Stages

As the Ministry of Finance prepares for ISO 27001 certification, it’s important to understand the two stages that make up the initial certification audit. The audit criteria for ISO 27001 are defined by these two stages, and the Ministry of Finance’s certification eligibility is contingent on passing both audit stages. As a best practice, organizations will hire a separate external auditor to support them in completing stage 1 compliance requirements before requesting an external audit from the certifying body for stage 2.

Stage 1 of the ISO 27001 audit is called the ISMS Design Review. Before the Ministry of Finance requests an ISMS Design audit, it’s critical to properly prepare for what an ISMS Design Review entails. An ISO 27001 audit checklist can help with stage 1 audit preparation.

First, the ISSS team will work to determine the Ministry of Finance’s risk tolerance and security baselines based on stakeholder expectations, to include legal or contractual requirements. These elements will define the scope, security objectives, and statement of applicability for the Ministry of Finance’s certification audit.
Next, the Ministry of Finance must thoroughly document all ISMS processes, procedures, policies, guidelines, and controls based on the requirements detailed in ISO 27001 and ISO 27002. the Ministry of Finance will complete a risk assessment, risk treatment, and gap analysis for submission with all other documentation.
Once the Ministry of Finance implements and documents the ISMS controls, an auditor conducts the ISMS Design Review. All documentation will be evaluated to ensure ISO 27001 requirements are met. Upon completion, the auditor will provide the Ministry of Finance with an ISO 27001 audit report.
The audit report includes findings and recommendations to improve The Ministry of Finance’s processes or controls before pursuing stage 2. the Ministry of Finance’s employees may also

need to complete additional security training to meet ISO 27001 stage 1 audit standards before moving forward with stage 2 of the certification process.

If an auditor recommends the Ministry of Finance for certification after stage 1, we will be eligible to move forward with stage 2 to pursue certification.

In the ISO 27001 stage 2 audit, an auditor from a certifying body will complete an evidential field review to confirm that the Ministry of Finance’s business processes and controls within the ISMS align with the documented and approved procedures from stage 1.

The auditor surveys a thorough, random sampling of data and information assets as evidence to confirm that the Ministry of Finance’s ISMS operates effectively and meets the requirements dictated by ISO 27001 and the obligatory Annex A controls. This evidence should demonstrate that the Ministry of Finance’s procedures work as they’ve been documented.
To complete the audit, auditors will often interview key stakeholders responsible for managing the ISMS system as well as members of the internal audit and compliance teams. They’ll also request evidence of prior audit reports and any remediations completed based on stage 1 results. These audit reports inform them of non-conformities presented by the previous auditor, while management audits confirm that improvements were implemented after the audit.
Stage 2 is also the time to define the processes moving forward after certification. This includes security awareness training procedures and the internal audit process, which must be documented to achieve certification and maintain continuous compliance.

Once the stage 2 ISO 27001 audit process is passed, the Ministry of Finance will be ISO 27001-certified for three years. However, the Ministry of Finance will complete and submit yearly surveillance audits to follow the required internal audit schedule submitted to the certifying body and show that their controls are continuously operating as intended.

ISO 27001 Auditors

Valid internal and external ISO 27001 audits must be conducted by objective, competent, and experienced auditors with demonstrable knowledge of the ISO 27001 standard. Demonstrable knowledge is commonly indicated by formal education or certification. However, a certifying body may approve an auditor who can show knowledge through relevant ISO 27001 audit questions and answers.

For internal audits, auditors must belong to a team that’s separate from the stakeholders maintaining the ISMS to ensure they are not reviewing their own work or creating a conflict of interest. Since the Ministry of Finance is without a separate compliance division or auditing team, it’s common to hire a formally trained contractor or auditing firm to support the internal audit plan. These firms can help the Ministry of Finance avoid common ISO 27001 audit mistakes.

Certification agencies have approved and accredited auditors who perform external certification, surveillance, and recertification audits. Often, these auditors have completed the ISO 27001 Lead Auditor course or a similar formal training-certification course.

ISO 27001 Audit Timeline

Auditing the Ministry of Finance’s ISMS for certification can be a lengthy process. For most small to mid-sized organizations, the initial certification process takes between 6 and 12 months to complete from start to finish. Larger organizations with a more comprehensive ISMS or more extensive scope can expect the process to take up to 18 months.

The Ministry of Finance should expect to prepare documentation extensively even before pursuing the stage 1 ISMS Design Review. This process alone can often take 6 to 10 months. the Ministry of Finance may need to complete multiple internal audits and implementations before the ISMS is ready to start the certification process.

Once the certification process begins, an auditor will work with the Ministry of Finance to create an ISO 27001 audit schedule. This schedule determines the timeline for an auditor to review thoroughly the documentation in stage 1 and collect enough evidence to prove compliance in stage 2.

While document review during stage 1 typically takes about a week to complete, stage 2 often takes longer because auditors interview stakeholders and spend more time examining the Ministry of Finance’s ISMS.

During either step, auditors may present remediations that must be completed before the Ministry of Finance can move forward with certification. Depending on what remediations are necessary to meet ISO 27001 standards, completing the necessary improvements can further extend the timeline for ISO 27001 certification.

About the Author

Jay Hunter Anson is a retired US Army Signal Officer (LTC/O5) with humanitarian assistance/disaster relief, peacekeeping and operational experience throughout Central America, South America, the Caribbean, and Europe, including the Balkan Wars (Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosovo). He is a combat veteran with multiple year-long tours in Iraq and Afghanistan. In 2019, Jay completed his 29-year military career while assigned to US Southern Command. A native of the Republic of Palau, Jay serves on the Ministry of Finance’s Board of Directors and is the Cybersecurity Advisor to the Republic of Palau’s President and National Security Coordinator. He is a Senior Security Analyst for Lennar Technology Services and a Service-Disabled Veteran Small Business Owner of Guardian Cyber, LLC (www.guardiancyber.us). Jay holds several academic degrees and industry certifications including the ISACA Certified Information Security Manager, US Department of Defense Strategist, US Cyber Command Cyber Operations Planners Course, and a Masters in Military Arts and Science from the US Army Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas U.S.A. In addition to his volunteer work with AFCEA International, Jay is a Cyber Florida Ambassador for Region 8, and a STEM Advisory Board Member for Miami-Dade County Public Schools. He Tweets at @JHX_1138. The views expressed are personal.

Republic Day of India: Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi is the Chief Guest

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January 25, 2023

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Republic Day of India: Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi is the Chief Guest

By: Rahul Kumar Ojha

Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi and the President of Egypt, Abdel Fattah El-Sisi: source Internet

Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi will be the Chief Guest at the Republic Day celebrations of India on January 26, 2023 marking a significant step in strengthening bilateral relations between the two nations. The visit, which will take place from January 25-27, 2023 is expected to focus on a number of key areas, including security, defence, cybersecurity, and agriculture.

In terms of security, the two countries are expected to discuss ways to strengthen cooperation in the fight against terrorism. India and Egypt have both been affected by terrorism in recent years, and by working together, they can share information and best practices to help combat this global threat.

Defence is also set to be a major topic of discussion during President Sisi’s visit. India is one of the largest importers of defence equipment in the world, and Egypt is a major producer of military hardware. By strengthening defence ties, the two countries can explore opportunities for collaboration in the defence industry, including joint ventures and technology transfer.

Cybersecurity is another area where India and Egypt can benefit from increased cooperation. As the world becomes increasingly digitised, the threat of cyber-attacks is on the rise. By working together, the two countries can better protect their citizens and businesses from cybercrime.

Agriculture is also expected to feature prominently on the agenda during President Sisi’s visit. India and Egypt have a long history of cooperation in this field, and by sharing knowledge and expertise, they can help to improve food security and increase agricultural productivity.

In addition to these key areas, the two countries are also expected to discuss a range of other topics, including trade and investment, education, and culture. President Sisi’s visit is an opportunity for India and Egypt to build on the strong foundations of their bilateral relationship and explore new ways to cooperate and collaborate.

Overall, President Sisi’s visit to India is a significant step forward in the relationship between the two countries. The discussions on security, defence, cyber security and agriculture will play an important role in building trust and cooperation between India and Egypt. This visit will also help in further strengthening the ties and will pave the way for a more prosperous future for both the nations.

India and Egypt have a long history of defence cooperation, dating back to the 1950s. This cooperation has been characterised by regular high-level visits, joint military exercises, and the sale of military equipment.

In the past, India has provided military assistance to Egypt in the form of training and equipment. India has trained Egyptian military personnel in various fields such as artillery, engineering, and communications. India has also provided military equipment to Egypt, including tanks and transport aircraft.

Both countries have also conducted joint military exercises in the past. In 2008, India and Egypt conducted their first joint military exercise, named ‘Sahyog-Kaijin’, which focused on counter-terrorism operations. Since then, both countries have regularly conducted joint military exercises, with the most recent one being held in 2019, called ‘Hand-in-Hand 2019’ which was held in Rajasthan, India.

India and Egypt have also cooperated in the area of defence industry and technology. India has provided assistance to Egypt in the establishment of a defence production facility, and both countries have collaborated in the development of military hardware such as radar and communication systems.

In recent years, India and Egypt have been working to further strengthen their defence cooperation. In 2018, India and Egypt signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence cooperation, which includes provisions for regular consultations and exchanges between the two countries on defence-related matters, and for cooperation in areas such as counter-terrorism, maritime security, and defence industry.

India and Egypt have also been cooperating on regional and international security issues, including in the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Both countries have also been working together to combat terrorism and extremism in the region.

In conclusion, India and Egypt have a long history of defence cooperation, which has been characterised by regular high-level visits, joint military exercises, and the sale of military equipment. Both countries have also been working to further strengthen their defence cooperation in recent years, including through regular consultations and cooperation in areas such as counter-terrorism, maritime security, and defence industry. The defence relationship between India and Egypt continues to be an important pillar of their bilateral relations and both countries have been working to enhance the scope and scale of their defence ties in recent years.

About the Author

Rahul Kumar Ojha is currently doing Bachelors of Journalism Mass Communication from IMS Noida. He is also a content writer and the Cultural Student President of IMS Noida. He Tweets at @Rahulojha9372.

RESIGNATION OF VIETNAMESE PRESIDENT

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January 24, 2023

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By: Hitti Chopra, GSDN

Vietnam’s 10^th President, Nguyen Xuan Phuc resigned last week amid the ongoing anti-corruption drive. The Communist Party of Vietnam stated that Phuc resigned after the ruling party held him responsible for “violations and wrongdoings” done by the officials under his control while being Prime Minister.

Phuc started his political career in 1979 at the provincial level and took his first position in national government in 2006. He joined the Politburo and served as Prime Minister from 2016 to 2021 and later held the ceremonial position as President of Vietnam. The departure of President is highly unusual in communist Vietnam as only one President has stepped down from his position citing health concerns.

According to Central Party Committee, Phuc was blamed for offences committed by the officials including Deputy Prime Ministers Pham Binh Minh and Vu Duc Dam and three ministers since he was the Prime Minister from 2016 to 2021. According to media reports, the ruling party has reported that around 500 party members were prosecuted or “disciplined” for corruption and “deliberate wrongdoings”, including ministers, top officials and diplomats with many of corruption allegations relating to Vietnam covid response.

According to Vietnamese politics the “four pillars” are the core comprising President, Prime Minister, General Secretary and Chairman of National Assembly. The President holds substantial authority. It is the post of the General Secretary which is considered the most powerful out of the four posts.

The architect of anti-corruption drive is party General Secretary and one of the country’s powerful politician Nguyen Phu Trong whose term is due to expire in 2026. It is highlighted that former President’s resignation is linked to political infighting in a country where every political change is carefully maneuvered to give the impression of political stability in the country. According to Le Hong Heip, a fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore “It’s mainly related to corruption investigations but we cannot rule out the possibility that his political rivals also wanted to remove him from his position for political reasons.”

The communist country is strengthening its fight against corruption amid the concerns that this anti-corruption drive is bringing crackdown in routine transactions as officials are being brought under scanner. Being an export dependent economy, it is unlikely that overall trajectory will change, provided the emphasis is on encouraging foreign investments and steering diplomatic ties with US and China.