Global Strategic and Defence News (GSDN) started its foray on November 11, 2022 as a forum to provide accurate analysis on geopolitical and defence issues that concern the world at large
French Pensions Reform: An Overview
By: Aleena T Sabu, Research Analyst, GSDN

The French Pensions reform bill signed by French President Emmanuel Macron will come into effect from early September. The bill had received widespread backlash from workers around the country, leading to many protests and unaccounted violent attacks in many parts of the country. The bill was in talks from 2019 with warnings and public backlash, but President Macron continued with his plan to increase the legal retirement age from 62 to 64 along with the number of years needed to be in service in order to be eligible for pensions. He argued life expectancy rates have increased and it is straining the country’s economy. This reform was to come into act from 2019 but got delayed because of the Covid-19 situation prevalent across the world.
Background
The plans for increasing the retirement age have been in talks in France for years and there have been various motions to set it in place but it always sparked tensions and protests from the people. France is one of few countries in the world which has the lowest retirement age and the highest pensions for decades. This system has persisted for so long that the economy is faltering. Many other European countries like the UK have increased their ages for retirement as it is the only way to match the increasing number of living older population.
President Macron claims the economy will run into a ditch if the pension reform plans are not put into focus. If the plan is not put into motion, then the economy will have a rundown by 2023 and 2027, although it is said to get back on track by the mid-2030s based on reports by France’s Pension Advisory Council. Although attempts to have any increase have been met only with criticism from the opposition as well as the public. In his first term, President Macron met with criticism for his take on the pension reform plans. Previously, in 1995, the then President Jacques Chirac, planned to increase the age of retirement for some categories of civil servants, but it did not come into effect because it was met with protests with millions of people on the street for the longest period. 2010 was also a year of the marked protests in France over the increase of legal retirement age from 60 to 62. Although it was met with criticism, the government increased the age after the protests subsided after a week. Protestors in France have had success in persuading the government not to make any changes to the pensions bill over the course of years in the country.
Why people are Protesting?
The people in France have been protesting head on for weeks against the increase in the legal retirement age of workers from 62 to 64. They argue that there is no such case of economic crisis and that the government must not burden people even more. Opponents, which include the left as well as the right and the workers’ union, cite that there is no need for such reforms as they will take away a good two years of retirement from the blue-collar workers instead of increasing the taxes of wealthy people.
The bill is said to only benefit the rich and will drive the blue-collar workers into more hustling and even lesser chance of living a happy life after retirement. The bill not only increased the age but also increased the number of years required to fulfil the minimum criteria to be eligible for the pension. This has triggered protests in mass numbers in the cites of Paris, Lyon and Nantes. Labour unions estimate an amount of 2 million people to have come for the protests, while France’s interior ministry has estimated a sum of 570,000. People have been looting stores and restaurants, bank windows are smashed and the BlackRock office in Paris has been invaded. The police have responded with teargas.
The hard-left leader of France, Jean-Luc Melencho says that the protests will continue no matter the outcome of the courts. People are gathering in thousands in Paris and there have been violent attacks and vandalising by the left wing.
The reform bill has not been popular with the members of Parliament either and they do not want to risk public opinion. The public have always been reluctant to the bill and always protested it whenever it was bought up be it 1995, 2010 or 2019. This made it even more reasonable for the Parliament to not support the bill.
Macron, on the other hand, believes that the protests will subside after the coming of the decision from the constitutional council, which will decide if the bill needs to be kept in case of a constitutional appeal by another party. He hopes the result will discourage the protests and that the people will understand the need for reforms in the now globalizing world.
How Macron Pushed through the Reform despite so much opposition?
President Macron faced so much opposition to the reform bill even from the Parliament. So, he decided to move differently around this bill by cancelling the vote. Instead of doing normal parliamentary voting, the President pushed for a controversial special constitutional power. Article 49.3 of the French constitution gives the government the power to bypass the Parliament.
Macron changed the voting method only minutes before the lower house members were about to cast their vote. Macron was in meetings and discussions with political leaders and finally decided to use the extra constitutional power to bypass parliament’s decisions. He explains that the country’s economy is at risk and it cannot be taken lightly. The left and the hard left-wing MPs voiced their opposition in the Parliament by singing the national anthem loudly and asking the President to resign. A vote of no-confidence was called 24 hours after of Article 49.3 and the President narrowly escaped the no-confidence motion by the vote of 278, it fell short 9 votes as 287 votes. If a no-confidence motion had been a success, then the President had to name a new government or hold new elections. A second no-confidence motion set out by Marine Le Pen’s far-right National Rally party was also not met with any success.
Pensions in other European Nations
A closer look at the numbers in the European nations will give a better idea of how France stands in comparison to its other neighbours. France has one of the lowest retirement ages among the European nations. The average age is 64.3 across the 27 nations in Europe. The OECD explains that French people spend longer in retirement as their retirement age is lower and the life expectancy of people is longer than in other European nations. A French man spends 23.5 years in retirement, second to Luxembourg’s 24 years and Britain and Germany’s 20 years.
The French spend 14 percent of their economic output on retirement pensions and that is double the OECD average of 7.7 percent. The only two countries spending more than France are Greece and Italy, but this keeps France’s poverty rate at 4 percent compared to other European countries and their gap between the rich and poor is very grim when compared to other nations. The argument which can be made here is not whether France provides a better policy for pensioners, but it depends upon the metric that is used to measure or access the situation.
Moving Forward
France’s President must make decisions ever so carefully now about pensions reform. The judgements and decisions he make will end up having drastic consequences for his people. People are on the streets demanding to take back the reform as they believe it will bring more harm than good, as the President claims. The French pension reforms have always sparked conflicts between the people and the government dating back to history. This clash is always going to be pertinent between the government and the people. Making decisions that will not endanger the common likings of the people as well as the economy is very important for the proper functioning of a country. The French President believes that working a bit longer like their European neighbours could save the country from an economic meltdown, but this is yet to be seen as a study published by a think tank called Rexecode on how the French pensions reform will affect the economy explains that even with the reform, the country will face an economic crisis in the future.
Emerging Unmanned Systems in the Naval Warfare Domain
By: Rahul Wankhede

Introduction
Warfare in the 21st century has created another wave of changes in a phenomenon historically known as ‘revolution in military affairs”. Wars in this century are being fought by advanced sophisticated machines, on behalf of their human owners. Human psyche has now shifted to let machines fight tactical and operational battles on their own. This is where concepts like artificial intelligence serve the purpose of non-contact warfare. The objective here is to minimize the loss and the costs of losing human life. Small scale machines that are capable of delivering deadly weapons to the enemy are being developed. These machines are unmanned – they do not have a human pilot or a driver sitting inside them. They can be either remotely operated by human controllers sitting in a faraway location, or they can be programmed and trained to be autonomous or self-driven.
Two recent happenings in this domain merit our attention towards a new development in unmanned combat systems. Hitherto these technologies were primarily being used for land warfare and air warfare. The new development is about the unmanned systems now being developed to fight naval battles as well. These recent developments are: the launching of Turkey’s first drone aircraft-carrier and the Indian Navy’s launch of a program to develop High Endurance Underwater Vehicles (HEUV).
Turkey’s First Drone Aircraft-Carrier
Turkey commissioned its largest warship on April 10 2023: the TCG Anadolu, being touted as the world’s first Unmanned Combat Aerial Aircraft (UCAV) carrier which carried the prototype of the latest Bayraktar TB3 drone sitting on its deck.
This is Turkey’s first aircraft carrier and the first ship in the world with an air wing made primarily of unmanned aircrafts. According to the Turkish media Daily Sabah, the carrier is expected to have a mix of different UCAVs in the future. Also, this carrier is categorised as an ‘amphibious assault ship’. With a displacement of 27,436 tons, it is 32 meters wide and 231 meters long. It can operate at sea for 50 days, has a top speed of about 21 knots, and a range of 9,000 nautical miles3. Previously when Turkey was a part of the US made F-35 stealth fighter program, this particular carrier was being designed keeping in mind that it would carry the F-35 jets. But USA kicked out Turkey from the F-35 deal after Turkey purchased the S-400 missile system from Russia. Scholars say that this forced Turkey to alter the carrier’s design to carry UCAVs and helicopters. Now the ship will witness the installation of drone control stations with satellite terminals for longer-range connections, a “roller system” at the ship’s bow to aid in uncrewed aircraft launch, an arresting gear system on the deck to facilitate UCAV landings, and safety nets for the recovery of smaller drone types.
“The Anadolu has six spots where medium-load transport, assault, or general-purpose helicopters can land and take off, along with two other spots that serve as a landing platform for heavy cargo transport helicopters, even though its flight deck is not long enough for classic warplanes to land and take off. Its lightweight deck can support up to 30 wheeled vehicles, including armoured personnel carriers and amphibious vehicles. At least 12 medium-load helicopters can be transported using the ship’s hanger. Tanks and other large, tracked vehicles with substantial armour can be transported on the heavy vehicle deck located at the top of the carrier’s pool”.
The carrier launch was followed by a lift off of the latest Bayraktar TB3 drone. This drone will be fully operational by 2024. Media reports say that the TB3 will fly alongside the Bayraktar Kizilelma, a carrier launched “unmanned fighter jet” which will become operational by 2025. The modern TB3 is the most recent iteration of the potent TB range of assault drones produced by Turkish company Baykar. The TB3, however, is believed to have superior capabilities than its predecessor Bayraktar TB2 and would be used for exports in addition to its domestic deployment in the seas. It must be mentioned that Turkey has already exported a variant of this drone to Pakistan, that rang alarm bells in New Delhi.
The Bayraktar TB3 has foldable wings designed for ship decks and short runways that can take off and land on aircraft carriers. It can also carry out intelligence, reconnaissance, and surveillance tasks in addition to attack operations.
Indian Navy’s Extra Large Unmanned Underwater Vehicle
India has launched an Extra Large Unmanned Underwater Vehicle (XLUUV) development project. Around 12 units are to be developed as per the primary data available from the Indian Ministry of Defence. First prototype of this XLUUV is expected to be ready by the end of 2025.
The Indian Navy had started planning to acquire unmanned underwater vehicles since a few years, owing to delays in acquiring more submarines under the Project 75-I. It is important to note here that these submarines will be carrying the Air Independent Propulsion Systems (AiP), a condition which has also been mentioned in the specification of these planned XLUVVs.
“The XLUUV may have a maximum ‘length with payload’ of up to 50 meters, width of up to 5 meters, height no more than 10 meters and gross weight without ballast under 300 tons. Similar category of systems used in foreign countries include: the German Modifiable Underwater Mothership, the American Orca XLUUV and the Russian Sarma-D. Though these have not yet been fully developed yet; all exist as prototypes currently. China and Turkey are also reportedly planning to develop such systems”.
The Indian Navy is planning to use these vehicles for purposes like ISR, anti-submarine warfare, anti-surface warfare and mine laying operations.
Autonomous features are a key requirement under which the vessel should be capable of deploying from a pier, conducting operations in shallow and restricted waters and returning to the harbour on its own 6. It must be capable of being transported by motherships and trailers on land. An external payload of up to 10 tons of armament is also under consideration, with the MoD probing the feasibility of mounting two 533 mm torpedo tubes and mine laying capability for the XLUUV.
“The submerged vessel should have a maximum speed of 8 knots (15 kilometres/9 miles per hour) and a cruise speed of 4 knots (7.4 kilometres/5 miles per hour). Propulsion options may include integrated thrusters or propellers using electric motors. The XLUUV is mandated to have a maximum endurance of over 45 days using either Li-Po/Li-ion batteries or a fuel cell-based Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) system as the power source. A diesel generator may be used to recharge any batteries”.
Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) had issued an expression of interest in March 2022 for collaboration with global firms in design, development and construction of XLUUVs. Eight smaller High Endurance Autonomous Underwater Vehicles (HEAUV) are also planned to be inducted. These containerized eight-ton vessels would be capable of anti-submarine warfare and mine countermeasure operations, with an endurance of over two weeks. Including the time spent in designing and product development, if successful, these systems will be inducted before the Indian Navy gets any of the six submarines being planned under the Project 75-I. But this is a tactical move on the part of the Indian Navy to bridge the gaps in submarine procurement. These vessels should not be considered as a replacement of the submarine program, since submarines are a strategic asset, and therefore irreplaceable at least in the next 30 years. The government will still have to focus on keeping up the strength of its submarine fleet, to maintain an edge over its adversaries.
Conclusion
While the public and the media have been paying more attention to hypersonics, laser weapons, AI etc. this particular development in unmanned underwater systems hasn’t garnered much public attention. But militaries and strategists globally have been thinking about acquiring these lethal technologies since long. Underwater assets are important since: they offer an element of surprise and deniability. A quiet submarine or potent under water platform hidden in the depth of the oceans that can strike a deadly blow anytime, avoiding any kind of detection, is still arguably the best weapon of choice available to armed forces. Plus, the operational and maintenance costs are much lesser as compared to submarines which take years to build and are tough to maintain. Whatever investment goes into these XLUVVs, majority of it happens in the development phase. Once fully deployed, these can be produced at an industrial scale and deployed in any part of the world, technically. Also, since they do not carry human beings, losing any number of these machines would still be economically bearable. Same principles also apply for unmanned drones, irrespective of whether they take off from a ship or a runway. Being launched from an aircraft carrier increases the range of these drones which come at a much lower per-unit price than sophisticated fighters. The cost of human training and salaries etc. also get saved in the longer run here. This unmanned systems market is therefore a quantitative market. It increases the lethal reach of the operator with no direct loss of physical lives. Such systems are therefore a part of the new generation of the ‘revolution in military affairs’ , a scenario in which they will operate autonomously as well as a part of ‘system of systems’. Such disruptive technologies will then definitely alter the balance of power in the world, as the nation which has a technological edge over its adversary will have a qualitative advantage in the end results of any conflict.

About the Author
Rahul Wankhede is a post graduate in Defence and Strategic Studies with a gold medal. Rahul has worked with think tanks and NGOs in the domains of research, analysis and mentoring and is a former Assistant Professor in the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, Savitribai Phule Pune University, Pune, India. Currently he is doing PhD from JNU Special Centre for National Security Studies. The views expressed are personal.
India-Armenia-Iran Trilateral: Scope for Future
By: Abhyuday Saraswat, Research Analyst, GSDN

Armenia hosted the first ever Trilateral meeting of India Armenia and Iran Format on April 20, 2022 in Yerevan. Yerevan is getting quite close with two increasingly important partners for Armenia as it navigates the geopolitical landscape during a difficult period in its ties with Moscow. The foreign ministries of the three countries focused mostly on economic problems and regional communication lines, but with some defence considerations thrown in for good measure. JP Singh, Joint Secretary of the Ministry of External Affairs, led the Indian delegation. Armenia and Azerbaijan are in a constant struggle with each other and with Russia’s recent Special Military Operation in Ukraine it has not been able to get the same sense of security from its warrantor Russia as it enjoyed in the past. Iran in this struggle is aligning itself with Armenia and backing Yerevan. Whereas Russia is currently unable to operate as a weapons supplier, India is being sought as a prospective replacement. This comes at a time when Pakistan, Turkey, and Azerbaijan are stepping up trilateral collaboration.
Armenia-Azerbaijan struggle
The Second Karabakh War, which took place between September and November 2020, was a military conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict resulted in the loss of many lives and displacement of thousands of civilians. The conflict was triggered by the Armenian military’s attack on Azerbaijani positions in the region on September 27, 2020. Azerbaijan responded with a counter-offensive, which led to intense fighting between the two sides. The conflict was marked by the use of heavy artillery, drones, and other advanced military technology.
The war ended with a Russian-brokered ceasefire on November 10, 2020, which resulted in Azerbaijan regaining control of much of the territory it had lost in the previous conflict in the 1990s. The ceasefire also provided for the deployment of Russian peacekeepers in the region to monitor the situation. But with the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War, Russia “The Warrantor” of peace in the region is not able to provide it.
The recent conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh has been a matter of concern for the international community. The two countries have a long-standing territorial dispute over this region, which has led to several clashes and military confrontations in the past.
The recent escalation of violence in the region has resulted in the loss of many lives and displacement of thousands of civilians. The situation is complex and multifaceted, with several factors contributing to the conflict. The issue of Nagorno-Karabakh is not just a territorial dispute but also involves questions of identity, history and geopolitics.
Iran’s Backing
Iran has historically played a significant role in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Iran shares borders with both Armenia and Azerbaijan and has a large population of ethnic Azerbaijanis living within its borders. Iran has also been a mediator between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the past. Iran has been calling for a peaceful resolution to the conflict and has expressed concern over the recent escalation of violence. Iran has also offered to mediate between the two sides and has been in contact with both Armenia and Azerbaijan to try and find a diplomatic solution to the conflict.
However, Iran’s position on the conflict is complicated by its own internal politics and regional dynamics. Iran has close ties with Armenia and has been a strategic partner for many years. At the same time, Iran is wary of Azerbaijan’s ties with Israel and the United States, which it sees as a threat to its own security.
Zangezur Corridor
The Zangezur Corridor is a proposed transportation link that would connect Azerbaijan and its exclave of Nakhichevan with Turkey, passing through the southern Armenian region of Syunik (Zangezur). The corridor has the potential to significantly boost economic connectivity and regional integration in the South Caucasus. The Zangezur Corridor has the potential to serve as a key trade route connecting Europe and Asia. It could also help to unlock the economic potential of the South Caucasus, which has long been hampered by political tensions and conflict.
However, the corridor is a complex issue, given that it involves several countries with competing interests. The Armenian government has expressed concerns about the potential impact of the corridor on its national security, given that it would pass through a strategic region of Armenia and Iran is backing Armenia considering a threat to its national security as well. At the same time, Azerbaijan and Turkey see the corridor as a vital link for their economic and strategic interests.
India’s Defence Ties
India and Armenia have had a long-standing defense cooperation, with India providing military training and equipment to Armenian armed forces. In 2018, India and Armenia signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on defense cooperation, which included areas such as military training, joint exercises, and exchange of defense-related information. The MoU was aimed at further deepening the bilateral defense ties between the two countries. India has also been a key supplier of defense equipment to Armenia in the past. In 2017, India supplied four SWATHI weapon locating radars to Armenia, which were aimed at enhancing the country’s artillery firepower.
India and Armenia have maintained a strong defense partnership, and it is believed that this partnership will continue to grow in the future with the development of this Trilateral and can be a counter- balance to the Pakistan-Azerbaijan-Turkey Axis.
Boost to Make in India
With Armenia now seeking more defence equipment, this can boost the efforts of self- reliance and “Make in India”. Firstly, it demonstrates India’s growing role as a major defence supplier in the global market. India has been steadily increasing its defence exports in recent years, and this is a testament to its capabilities in this area.
Secondly, the deals will be a boost to India’s “Make in India” initiative, which will aim to promote domestic manufacturing and reduce dependence on imports. By manufacturing defence equipment for export, India can not only earn foreign exchange but also create jobs and boost the domestic economy.
Thirdly, it is a sign of the growing strategic partnership between India and Armenia. India and Armenia have traditionally had friendly relations, and this deal will further strengthen the ties between the two countries.
Scope for Future
There is great potential for cooperation and collaboration between these three countries. Each country has its unique strengths and capabilities that can be leveraged for mutual benefit. In terms of economic cooperation, there are several areas where the trilateral can work together, such as energy, infrastructure, and trade. Iran is a major oil and gas producer, while India and Armenia are major consumers. There is, therefore, scope for energy cooperation, including the development of the North-South Transport Corridor, which will connect India with Central Asia and Russia via Iran and Azerbaijan.
In addition, there is potential for cooperation in the fields of science, technology, and education. The trilateral can work towards the exchange of expertise and knowledge-sharing in areas such as biotechnology, nanotechnology, and renewable energy. Furthermore, the trilateral can also collaborate on regional security issues, particularly with regards to terrorism and extremism. The three countries can share intelligence and coordinate their efforts to counter these threats.
Overall, the future of this trilateral depends on the willingness of the three countries to work together and overcome any challenges that may arise. With a shared commitment to peace, stability, and development, the India-Armenia-Iran trilateral can be a powerful force for progress in the region.
Research Paper: SAARC-An Evaluation
By: Khushbu Ahlawat, Research Analyst, GSDN

The role of regional organizations has indeed increased in the era of globalization as the interdependence among nations has grown. SAARC, or the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, is a regional inter-governmental organization established in 1985 with eight member states including India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and Maldives. It aims to promote peace, prosperity, and regional integration in South Asia. SAARC has a secretariat in Nepal and maintains observer status at the United Nations. It represents 21% of the world’s population despite occupying only 3% of the world’s area. Extra-regional countries like China, Japan, European Union, and USA also hold observer status at SAARC.
MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS OF SAARC IN THE CONTEXT OF REGIONAL COOPERATION
SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) has dramatically grown and developed over the last 26 years through increasing interaction and cooperative efforts among its member states. SAARC’s recent accomplishments can be summarised as follows:
- IMPROVED COOPERATION
SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) has seen greater cooperation among member nations since its creation in 1985, emphasizing improving living standards, cultural and regional economic growth, and cooperation with other regions. Recognizing the significance of regional cooperation and development, SAARC members have focused on the practical implementation of plans and policies to transform the region into a developed one. This has resulted in the establishment and launch of several mutually beneficial programs and forums, including the South Asian University, SAARC International College, agreements on judicial cooperation in counter-terrorism, the establishment of a food bank and development funds, a telemedicine network, the SAARC Writers and Literature Foundation, and the South Asia Foundation. Furthermore, associated centers focus on the environment, policy studies, women’s empowerment, and other topics.
- EXPANDED TRADE AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION
Economic and trade cooperation is critical to the success of SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) and South Asia’s growth. Economic cooperation discussions within SAARC formed the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA), which superseded the Preferential Trading Area (SAPTA) in the 1990s. SAFTA includes a tariff reduction plan, with Pakistan and India promising to lower tariffs on all commodities to 20% within two years, and the remaining member nations committed to 30% reductions within three years. In the second phase, Pakistan and India committed to lower tariffs on imports to 0-5% within five years, and the rest of the members pledged to do so within seven years. While implementing free trade in the region has been difficult, member nations are nevertheless moving forward with initiatives to boost regional prosperity and collaboration.
- COOPERATION WITH OBSERVERS
SAARC countries recognize that, as a relatively poor region, they require help and assistance in numerous aspects of their economies, including capital, resources, education, and technology. In recent years, developed and advanced countries such as the United States, Japan, China, South Korea, Iran, and the European Union have shown a growing interest in assisting in social and economic spheres. SAARC has actively engaged in making agreements and memoranda of understanding (MOUs) with various regional and international organizations, including the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), International Telecommunications Union (ITU), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), United Nations Drug Control Programme (UNDCP), Asia Pacific Telecommunity (APT), and United Nations International Children Education Fund (UNICEF). These agreements and MOUs signify SAARC’s commitment to cooperating with these organizations in areas such as development, telecommunications, trade, drug control, and education for the betterment of the region.
- PEOPLE-TO-PEOPLE CONTACT
SAARC recognizes that developing people-to-people relations is an essential goal of regional cooperation. Despite the constraints of building a climate conducive to open social connection due to the massive institutional structure, SAARC has undertaken several initiatives to promote people-to-people connectedness throughout South Asia. South Asian Festivals, Association of SAARC Speakers and Parliamentarians, SAARC Law, Cooperation of Non-Governmental Organisations, SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry, SAARC Scheme for Promotion of Organised Tourism, and SAARC Documentation Centre are among the initiatives. Civil society in member nations also plays a vital role in establishing communication networks among intellectuals, writers, journalists, academics, and retired civil and military personnel. This goal of people-to-people connectivity influences the success of Track II diplomacy between Pakistan and India. Former Indian Prime Minister I. K. Gujral described SAARC’s development in creating people-to-people contacts within South Asia as a “New Regionalism” enveloping the entire South Asian area.
- FINANCIAL COOPERATION
SAARC Finance Ministers Meetings are an essential part of the SAARC agenda, with four meetings held so far in Pakistan, India, the Maldives, and Bhutan. The First SAARC Finance Ministers Meeting formed an Inter-Governmental Expert Group on Financial Matters to prepare a path for realizing the South Asian Economic Union (SAEU) in stages. Member countries are exchanging concept papers in the financial sector, and a SAARC Expert Group on the Development of Capital Markets in South Asia was also convened. The Sixth Inter-Governmental Expert Group on Financial Issues met in April 2013, followed by the Seventh Informal Meeting of SAARC Finance Ministers in New Delhi in May 2013, which discussed financial cooperation progress and explored new opportunities.
- COOPERATION ON SECURITY AND TERRORISM
Under UN Security Council Resolution 1373, SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) signed the SAARC Convention on Terrorism Suppression in 1987, followed by the Additional Protocol on Terrorism in 2005. Despite these critical texts, member countries have shown little enthusiasm or collaboration on issues of terrorist violence and funding. The establishment of the SAARC Terrorist Offences Monitoring Desk (STOMD) and SAARC Drug Offences Monitoring Desk (SDOMD) in Colombo, Sri Lanka, demonstrates that cooperation has been mostly limited to bilateral projects.
- INTEGRATED PROGRAM OF ACTION
The IPA is an important program within the SAARC process, consisting of 12 areas of cooperation, each supervised by a specific Technical Committee. The Secretary-General reports to the Standing Committee on the status of IPA enforcement, which also analyses the operation of the Technical Committees, their mandates, and the Secretariat’s activities. Agriculture, communications, education, culture and sports, environment, health, population activities and child welfare, meteorology, prevention of drug trafficking and drug abuse, rural development, science and technology, tourism, transportation, and women in development are just a few of the topics covered by IPA’s various committees.
- POVERTY ERADICATION
As one of the world’s poorest regions, poverty eradication is a primary goal for SAARC. With over 1.6 billion people in its eight member countries and almost 40% of the population living in poverty, combating poverty is a huge concern. The Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation (ISACPA), which conducts in-depth studies on member states’ experiences, was enhanced at the Seventeenth SAARC Summit in 2011. Social mobilization, access to education, safe drinking water, health services, nutrition, agricultural development, labor-intensive industrialization, and human resource development are all strategies for poverty alleviation.
SHORTCOMINGS OF SAARC
- INTER-STATE DISPUTES
Mistrust, mutual security concerns, and hatred are barriers to SAARC member cooperation. Member countries perceive neighboring countries as threatening in various ways, including politically, economically, and territorially. Historical conflicts of colonial control and disagreements following colonial masters’ departure, such as loss of property, lives, identities, and communal violence, continue to impact relationships. There is always the possibility that the community and terrorist threats will impede efforts to cooperate.
- FEAR OF INDIAN DOMINATION
Fear of India’s perceived hegemonic influence in the region is one of the primary reasons behind SAARC’s failure. Concerns have been made by neighboring nations such as Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh about India’s intention to lead and participate in decision-making processes.
- CIVILIZATIONS CLASH
Professor Samuel Huntington’s book “The Clash of Civilizations” suggests that SAARC has been a failure due to cultural differences among member countries, particularly India and Pakistan, which have a history of hostility and violence. Disagreements over minor concerns are common, and member countries lack a sense of belonging. The deteriorating India-Pakistan ties have raised concerns about SAARC’s future prospects, with the 19th SAARC summit in 2016 being indefinitely cancelled. There is growing fear that India may prioritize alternative regional cooperation platforms like BIMSTEC, as seen from its diplomatic investment in BIMSTEC through summits, ministerial meetings, and disaster management exercises. This aligns with India’s strategy of isolating Pakistan and advancing regional integration without their participation.
The China-Pakistan axis is strengthening, and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is helping Pakistan overcome its geopolitical isolation in South Asia. The “clash of civilizations” is deepening, with religion, culture, and civilization becoming primary markers of identity in the post-cold war world. These factors do not bode well for the future prospects of India-Pakistan relations and SAARC.
- UNSTABLE FINANCIAL POSITION
The organization’s future is doubtful due to SAARC member countries’ poor financial standing. Members’ trade imbalances reflect their economic underdevelopment. Most member nations export comparable items, with India playing a significant role, encouraging aid demands/arrangements and extra-regional commerce rather than regional economic integration. South Asia has limited intra-regional trade, and member nations compete rather than complement one another, hampering SAARC’s goal.
- LACK OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION
Despite establishing SAFTA in 2006, SAARC’s lack of economic integration might be linked to persistent tensions and strained relations between India and Pakistan. Despite having a combined nominal GDP of approximately US $3.31 trillion, making it one of the world’s emerging development regions, SAARC nations have been unable to meet the enormous market demand across a variety of sectors, including industry, services, agriculture, and health, due to a lack of interdependence. This has resulted in market exploitation by China and other global players, as their proactive approach, bulk production, consistent supply, lower prices, and infrastructure development in countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka have harmed India’s economic standing in the South Asian region.
- LACK OF TRUST BETWEEN MEMBER STATES
A considerable lack of trust among SAARC member states impedes the regional organization’s future development. Historical rivalry and mistrust have done significant harm, and elites in member nations do not trust one another because of nationalistic feelings, entrenched interests, and inter-state disputes. Such issues make it difficult to grow SAARC on a solid foundation.
- EXCLUSION OF CONTENTIOUS ISSUES FROM THE SAARC CHARTER
SAARC’s charter has self-imposed peculiarities, such as the prohibition on discussing contentious and bilateral problems. While it encourages greater cooperation and exchanges, it avoids negotiating such disagreements. Furthermore, the requirement for majority decision-making makes reaching a consensus harder. These issues indicate an unstable inter-state relationship and impede South Asian citizens’ equal involvement in policymaking. This weakens the organization’s fundamental goal and jeopardizes its long-term development.
- DIFFERENT POLITICAL SYSTEMS
South Asian countries’ different political systems, from democracy in India to transitional democracy in Pakistan, kingship in Nepal, and a presidential system in Sri Lanka, have contributed to SAARC’s failure. Many countries in the region have experienced insecurity due to weak democratic governance. The Kashmir dispute between Pakistan and India has stopped them from cooperating and putting aside their disagreements inside the SAARC conference. Furthermore, India has disagreements with other SAARC members, such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal, which has hampered achieving SAARC’s goals.
- ASYMMETRY BETWEEN INDIA AND OTHER MEMBER STATES
The economic, technological, and demographic disparities between India and the other SAARC member countries have aided India’s dominance. India has a substantial advantage because of its bigger size, economy, and technological infrastructure, accounting for the majority of regional GDP and worldwide exports. However, smaller South Asian nations are concerned about their commercial relations with India because of the current tariff structure, despite the fact that India has a substantial trade surplus with its neighbors and a significant volume of informal trade. India’s core geographical location within the area also makes it a vital link for the region’s other member countries.
- RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN
Recent developments in Afghanistan and Pakistan include PM Narendra Modi’s proposal at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to reject the Taliban regime in Afghanistan due to concerns about terrorism, illegal activities, and potential humanitarian crises. SAARC nations agreed to exclude Afghanistan from SAARC activities. Pakistan’s economic crisis, FATF grey listing, and limited financial support may exacerbate the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan, leading to hunger, lack of medicines, poverty, and misery.
SAARC’s failure can be attributed to a lack of visionary leadership, inadequate cost-benefit analysis, bureaucratic obstacles, unnecessary formality, political will, unanimous decision-making, and a lack of cohesive vision. These factors have hampered the organization’s efficiency and ability in addressing globalization concerns, border skirmishes, infiltration, terrorism, and water disputes among member countries, potentially exacerbating interstate rivalries and worsening relations.
NEED FOR REFORMS
- POLITICAL REFORMS
Policy actions at both the government and non-government levels, together with South Asian leaders’ dedication and mutual confidence, can assist in stabilizing and building the region. Among the suggested projects and policy actions are: For regional stability and collaboration, India should approach neighboring South Asian countries with a cooperative and equal partnership rather than a domineering “big brother” attitude. The significance of SAARC has grown in response to shifting global and regional dynamics, and India should be aware of this. Because most problems in South Asia revolve around India, using a low-key approach can help develop trust among smaller neighboring countries.
CCGs (Conflict Coordination Groups) can be formed within SAARC to address bilateral disputes if all parties involved agree to seek SAARC’s assistance. To maintain impartiality, these panels can include members from both parties in dispute as well as other member states. CCGs can also address concerns such as the exploitation of women and children or other challenges that countries in the region agree to address.
To recover the trust of its neighbors, Indian leaders should emphasize the phrase “Dependable India” rather than hard force. The COVID-19 pandemic has given India a chance to demonstrate its proactive attitude under PM Narendra Modi’s leadership, such as bringing all SAARC states together on a shared video platform, providing a glimmer of hope for the resurrection of SAARC. Despite the fact that public health has not traditionally been a strength of SAARC members, India’s initiative is admirable. It has positioned itself as a leader amid the global crisis, demonstrating the spirit of SAARC for regional collaboration.
The SAARC Charter should include provisions for member country leaders to debate international concerns such as peace, security, trade, the environment, and technological transfers. The current system does not allow for such discussions because summit statements are drafted by bureaucrats ahead of time, preventing leaders from exchanging views on regional issues. During the CTBT negotiations in Geneva, for example, India and Pakistan had comparable concerns but did not collaborate, reducing collective strength. SAARC could also explore provisions for the peaceful resolution of bilateral conflicts and relaxation of the necessity for unanimous decision-making on all issues, including bilateral ones. However, geographical sovereignty, political independence, and non-interference must be upheld.
Individual governments from all eight member nations play a critical role in strengthening SAARC. Trust and earnest efforts are required to overcome the lack of development in the organization. With constructive thinking and a cooperative vision, SAARC has the potential to exceed the European Union (EU) in regional integration. To address issues such as cross-border violations and detentions, a SAARC fact-finding team, in partnership with the International Red Cross, may be constituted to investigate claims by visiting jails and incarceration centers.
The suggestion is that the sudden US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 has created a vacuum that various terrorist and extremist forces could fill. As an alternative, the proposal of a joint UN Peacekeeping Force (UNPKF) from the SAARC region, under the United Nations auspices, is presented as an option to be considered.
- ECONOMIC REFORMS
Regional policy changes must be monitored to effectively respond to globalization’s difficulties, such as trade liberalization, tariffs, and price controls. All member countries would gain from establishing a shared identity for South Asia regarding quality, brand names, standards, and investment regimes. Sub-regional cooperation can promote development between West Bengal, Bangladesh, and Bangladesh-India-Nepal. Improving road, rail, and air transit infrastructure is critical for improved engagement among South Asian communities. Joint venture ventures in the service and education sectors can transcend cultural divides and encourage people-to-people collaboration. India should be trustworthy and accommodating to foster trust among smaller neighbors. Economic policy coordination, learning from triumphs and failures, the construction of free trade zones, the free flow of physical and financial resources, and targeted development are all vital for developing South Asia’s regional economic integration.
The idea is that economic integration is critical for tackling SAARC’s difficulties and that economic and social factors must take precedence over security concerns. During the COVID-19 epidemic, India’s outreach, such as delivering vaccines to SAARC members, including Pakistan, and humanitarian assistance to Sri Lanka, could serve as accelerators for restoring commercial and market-related activity within SAARC. India’s activities and goals should be supported to stimulate regional economic activity, increase competitiveness and interdependence, and pave the road for a self-sufficient SAARC (“Atmanirbhar SAARC”).
- SOCIAL REFORMS
To facilitate dialogues and exchanges, people-oriented organizations such as civic, political, professional, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should cooperate to foster regional cooperation in South Asia. Building a South Asian identity based on shared norms rooted in cultural, historical, social, ethnic, and civilizational traditions is critical, and the state should prioritize civil society. Greater exchanges of academics, poets, and cultural circles across South Asian countries and simple access to each other’s TV and electronic programs can boost mutual collaboration and trust-building activities. Media actions, particularly electronic media, have the potential to bring South Asians closer together. Another potential approach is establishing a SAARC Joint Commission comprising notable historians from member nations to help document the region’s history and eliminate historical misconceptions.
- INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS
Institutional adjustments are required to increase the SAARC Secretariat’s responsiveness and effectiveness, including raising the Secretariat’s size to deal with the IPA’s wide range of challenges. Member nations should also contribute additional funds, such as 1% of their defense budgets, to support the Secretariat’s expanded activities. To improve contact among member nations, the Secretariat should plan at least three summit meetings of Foreign Ministers and leaders of states each year and more frequent meetings of ministers in other portfolios. With the nations’ permission, the Secretariat should also be given more leeway in preparing position papers on multilateral matters. Furthermore, the establishment of a SAARC Parliament or Assembly with deliberative functions could help to achieve a well-integrated economic community. Coordination with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should also be improved to expand economic and infrastructure aid.
SUGGESTIONS TO IMPROVE INDIA-PAKISTAN RELATIONS FOR BETTER FUNCTIONING OF SAARC
The suggestion acknowledges the significance of SAARC meetings in promoting regional cooperation and re-engaging with neighboring countries. It emphasizes India’s leadership role in revitalizing SAARC through a soft power approach. It also highlights that the provision of holding meetings as per the SAARC Charter is often not followed. The suggestion emphasizes the need for proactive efforts from Pakistan in calling for SAARC meetings, despite existing tensions, and suggests virtual meetings as a possible solution to logistical challenges.
Including Pakistan in India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ Policy could have potential benefits, such as promoting cooperation, dispelling notions of hegemony, and addressing regional challenges like terrorism and better functioning of SAARC. However, it’s important to consider the complexities of the India-Pakistan relationship and broader geopolitical dynamics in South Asia.
Efforts to improve trade relations between India and Pakistan would require careful consideration of complexities, diplomatic efforts, confidence-building measures, and sustained dialogue. Addressing mutual concerns, building trust, and addressing relevant factors like infrastructure, regulatory frameworks, and trade facilitation measures would be crucial for smooth functioning of SAARC.
Pakistan and India in the SCO might potentially improve their relationship by providing a platform for the growth of friendship and addressing unresolved issues. Attending SCO gatherings can also help overcome the SAARC impasse brought on by tensions between India and Pakistan, which might eventually improve SAARC performance.
Cultural diplomacy involves diverse exchanges like art, music, dance, theatre, sports, and artists, beyond performing arts. These bilateral exchanges can alleviate political tension and promote stability and peace in bilateral relations, ultimately contributing to the improved functioning of organizations like SAARC. For example, sports events like cricket can be a part of cultural diplomacy efforts to foster better relations between countries.
Initiation of bilateral dialogue between India and Pakistan based on the “UFA” agreement aims to address issues like terrorism, humanitarian concerns, and people-to-people exchanges, signaling willingness for cooperation and potential for new dimensions in diplomatic engagements. Success hinges on commitment, sincerity, and overcoming challenges, and could have a positive impact on SAARC’s functioning.
CONCLUSION
The quote by Nelson Mandela “If you want to make peace with your adversary, you have to cooperate with your opponent, then he joins you as a partner” highlights the potential of SAARC to unite nations through cooperation with adversaries. Despite challenges, the psychological integration of South Asian leaders is seen as a strength of SAARC. Reviving SAARC requires better branding, visibility, and concerted efforts at all levels. SAARC is likely to continue existing in its current form, with meetings, discussions, disagreements, and cancellations. SAARC is not just an organization, but also an idea that promotes harmony and integration among nations, and its vision of regional peace, prosperity, and integration will persist despite challenges.
China’s Rise as a Global Geopolitical Leader
By: Vaibhav Borude, Research Analyst, GSDN

The rise of China as the world’s factory, aided by globalisation and the active assistance of the United States, had the result that China emerged as the second-largest economy in the world. The path-breaking visit of U.S. President Nixon paved the way for the economic development of China. The superpower rivalry in the Cold War naturally brought the USA and China closer to one another. China used this time to develop its strength. The famous Chinese strategist Sun Tzu’s advice was to “appear weak when you are strong, and appear strong when you are weak.” The Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping based his strategy of “hide your strength, bide your time” on Sun Tzu’s advice to maintain a low profile on the geopolitical world stage. However, the present Chinese president, Xi Jinping, believes that now that China has arrived on the world stage, it must assume the global leadership baton from the US. This rise of China as a geopolitical leader is creating a ripple effect all over the world.
Current China’s profile:
The real GDP of China was $14.27 trillion in 2020. The real GDP of the USA was $20 trillion in 2020. The gap between both countries is closing, and experts believe that China will soon overtake the USA as the world’s biggest economy. China has already overtaken the USA as the world’s biggest economy in PPP terms. The rise of China’s economic profile means that it has more resources to spend on its defence budget and on research and development of new emerging technology. It also has resources for developing capabilities to deter an adversary from taking any coercive steps against China.
China is changing the rules of the world order.
The current world order is a liberal world order, developed by the USA after World War 2, largely based on the Washington Consensus. China is aiming to disrupt this world order and end the Pax Americana. China is a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, so any decision can’t be made without its consent. So many countries are dependent on China that any coercive decision is not taken against them. For example, India’s plan to designate Masood Azar as a global terrorist was many times derailed by China due to its support for Pakistan. China has also started to delegitimize international institutions through its actions.
The peculiar case of South China Sea can be seen here. The South China Sea is an important strategic location. One-third of the world’s maritime shipping passes through it, carrying over $3 trillion in trade every year. There are claims of huge oil and natural gas deposits beneath it. Due to its strategic importance, China now wants to transform this world sea into a Chinese lake. China started calming the entire South China Sea on its own based on the 9-dash line. Aggravated by this behaviour, the Philippines filed a suit against China in the Hague Tribunal. The tribunal rejected China’s claims and ruled in favour of the Philippines. Reacting to the decision, the Chinese government rejected this tribunal ruling. The Chinese president, Xi Jinping, said in the ruling that the territorial sovereignty and maritime rights of China would not be affected.”
Use of economic might to create new friends and world dominance.
China is using its offensive charm and power to bring new countries into its sphere of influence. China launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to connect Europe and Asia. BRI would help China increase its trade all over the region, thus making them dependent on it. BRI has not only an economic angle but also a strategic angle. The BRI route criss crosses the lands of central China to reach Europe. The route passes through central Asia, Iran, and Turkey, thus ideally fulfilling all the requirement of Mackinder’s view of world dominance. According to Mackinder, one who controls Central Asia controls the world island, and one who controls the world island controls the world. BRI serves as a dual-use facility, as it can increase its trade and also control the region. China is using debt trap diplomacy to increase its economic stakes in the region by providing loans to these projects, and if countries fail to pay them back, it forces them to hand over the infrastructure to China. China has used this method in Sri Lanka’s Hamanbota port. There is also fear of China using the same tactics in Pakistan and Myanmar.
BRI also has a maritime component that includes sea routes connecting China’s coastal regions with the South East Asia, South Asia, the South Pacific, the Middle East, Eastern Africa, and all the way to Europe. With the maritime component of BRI, China can leverage it to increase its naval footprint all over the world’s oceans in lieu of protecting its economic interests. China has built a port in Djibouti and is planning a secret naval facility in the Cocoa Islands of Myanmar. Hidden beneath the maritime component of BRI is the String of Pearls theory, which would encircle the Indian subcontinent from the sea route, thus forcing India into a defensive position. It would also reduce the influence of India in the Indian Ocean, thus affecting India’s position as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean.
China is shifting the balance of power in West Asia away from the United States
West Asia is a significant region in the world. As a source of oil and natural gas, it powers the world economy. West Asia has suffered the worst due to the Gulf wars, the Shia-Sunni conflict, the Saudi Arabia-Iran issue, and the Israel-Palestine issue. The USA has always tried to dominate this region and has favoured Saudi Arabia and Israel against Iran. China has now stepped up its engagement and started taking an active role in resolving the conflict in West Asia. The recent China-brokered deal between Iran and Saudi Arabia shows the “changing global order.” The USA has always had the upper hand in this region, but renewed Chinese engagement is reducing the hegemonic power of the USA in this region. China has also signed a 25-year cooperation agreement with Iran, despite US sanctions against Iran due to its nuclear programme. All this points towards the change from a USA-led world order to a multipolar world order with China as a major competitor for the USA‘s hegemonic status.
China’s Role in the Ukraine War.
The Ukraine-Russia war is the most defining moment of present times. The failure of Russia to checkmate Ukraine and, with the support of western Europe and the USA, Ukraine’s renewed efforts are forcing Putin’s military advances to slow down. The longer the war continues, the weaker Russia will emerge. A weak Russia would make it more dependent on China thus, helping China. It can also be seen as China using the USA’s policy of “beggar thy enemy”.
China’s rise as a geopolitical leader is against India’s interests.
The rise of China as a dominant power in the world order would go against the Indian interests. Firstly, the India-China border dispute is still lingering. India wants to end the dispute as soon as possible, whereas China wants to keep the issue at a standstill. China wants to increase the power differential with India, so when the power differential is at its maximum level, China can use its dominant power to force India to accept the terms and conditions as China says. Secondly, China and Pakistan have an all-weather friendship, and both view India as an adversary. In the event of future conflict, a two-front war with India cannot be ruled out. Thirdly, the USA sees India as a natural partner to balance China. As only India can challenge China on the Asian continent. Hence, the USA has started engagement with India from all sides. USA has re-energised the Quad. USA terms India a net security provider in the Indian Ocean. But in case any conflict emerges, India alone will have to bear the brunt, as India is the only Quad member that shares a land border with China.
As power is a zero-sum game, the rise of China as a geopolitical leader will reduce the power of the USA equally. The changing world order points towards the rise of a multipolar world order. In these changing times, the geopolitical world order appears to be in flux, but China would leave no stone unturned to replace the USA as the world power.
USA: Role in various Global Armed Confrontations
By: Hitti Chopra, Research Analyst, GSDN

The United States of America has been involved in various armed confrontations ranging from conflicts on its own soil to wars in far-off countries. From the American Revolution (1776) to the war on terror, to proxy war with Moscow in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, the US military has been able to prove its ability making it a significant player in many of these conflicts.
The Wars of 18th Century
One of the earliest conflicts the United States was involved in was The American Revolution (1775-1783).The conflict began in 1775, and the United States at the time was a group of British colonies. It was fought between the 13 colonies and Great Britain which sought to maintain control over the colonies. The United States with the help of France ultimately emerged victorious, gaining independence from Great Britain in 1783.
The Wars of 19th Century
The War of 1812 (1812-1815) was fought between the United States and Great Britain over trade destructions and the impressments of American sailors into the British Navy. The US military led by General Andrew Jackson was able to successfully defend against British invasion ultimately leading to the Treaty of Ghent which ended the conflict. The Civil War (1861-1865) was fought between the Union (northern states) and the Confederacy (southern states) over states’ rights and the issues like slavery. The US military, led by General Ulysses S.Grant ultimately defeated the confederacy resulting in the abolition of slavery and the reunification of the country.
The Wars of 20th Century
In the first half of 20th century, the United States was involved in both World War I and World War II.In World War I (1914-1918), the United States entered the conflict in 1917 after several years of neutrality. The war was fought between the Allied Powers (including the US) and the Central Powers over various territorial and economic issues. In World War II (1939-1945), The United States entered the conflict after the attack on Pearl Harbour by Japan. The war was fought between the allied powers and the axis powers over territorial and ideological issues. The conflict lasted from 1939 to 1945 and resulted in the defeat of Germany, Italy and Japan.
In the second half of the 20th century, the USA was involved in the Korean War and the Gulf War. The Korean War (1950-1953), was fought between North and South Korea, with the US and other UN forces supporting the South. The US military led by General Douglas MacArthur, was able to successfully push back North Korean forces and secure a ceasefire resulting in the division of Korea into separate countries.
The Vietnam War (1955-1975), was fought between North Vietnam and South Vietnam, with the US supporting the South. The US military ultimately failed to achieve its goals leading to a withdrawal of US forces and eventual reunification of Vietnam. The Gulf War (1990-1991) was fought between Iraq and coalition of UN forces, including the US over Iraq invasion of Kuwait. The US military was able to successfully liberate and defeat Iraqi forces, resulting in a ceasefire and the establishment of no-fly zones over Iraq.
The Wars of 21st Century
Since becoming the world’s most powerful country after the two world wars and the Cold War, the United States has followed its interventionist policy in other countries, maintaining its hegemony in the global order. The War on Terror (2001-present) began after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, has been fought against various terrorist organizations including Al Qaeda and the Islamic State. The US military led by various generals has been involved in various conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq and other parts of the Middle East (American led intervention in Syria to US naval presence in Yemini civil war) with the goal of reducing terrorist activity and promoting stability in the region.
The United States of America has played a significant role in various armed confrontations throughout history, with its military power and ability to project its influence globally resulting in victories for the United States while some have been more challenging with significant long term implications for the nation and the world.
In today’s international geopolitical dynamics, the United States of America is no longer the only big kid on the block. The proxy war with Russia, icy relationships with China and entire Afghanistan fiasco, the USA singular post cold war dominance is fading, marking the comeback of Great Power rivalry.
The New Era of Electronic Warfare: The Scorpius
By: Baadshah Chatterjee

Naval forces, whether on the high seas or operating in coastal waters, land forces, whether conducting static defence or operating through manoeuvre, as well as critical, strategic infrastructure are exposed to constantly evolving threats from the air, land and the sea. Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) and fire control radars equipping manned and unmanned aircraft are classic examples of sophisticated targeting systems that have been developed and pose serious threats. Therefore, self-defence is a vital condition on the modern battlefield. Electronic Warfare plays a key and cost-effective role in this effort. However,
To counter, analyse, detect and track the most advanced cyber threats from air, land and naval platforms, ELTA Systems, a subsidiary of Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) has leveraged its rich technological heritage of five decades to develop the new and innovative Scorpius long-range Electronic Warfare system. It is an Electronic Support Measures (ESM) and Electronic Countermeasures (ECM) system, which is available in a number of configurations, including the land-based Scorpius-G and the naval Scorpius-N (ELL-8256SB). According to ELTA Systems, Scorpius is the most advanced Electronic Warfare system in the world, providing unparalleled electronic protection and engagement capabilities.
Scorpius is based on Active Electronic Scanning Array (AESA) technology, which uses an array of wideband digital transceivers to achieve a significant increase in sensitivity, allowing the system to detect threats over much larger areas than what was previously possible. Scorpius also incorporates Multi-beam Staring (MS) technology, which enables simultaneous scanning of the entire hemisphere. Likewise, it deploys multiple, narrow, high-powered engagement beams, making it easier to simultaneously target multiple threats across the field.
The system uses the latest Gallium Nitride (GaN) technology to achieve a significant increase in Effective Radiated Power (ERP), which far exceeds legacy Electronic Warfare solutions. Along with greatly enhanced sensitivity, this enables the Scorpius to detect, disrupt and degrade enemy radars. Scorpius is effective against very low signals while being able to detect and track more sophisticated threats such as Low Probability-of-Intercept (LPI) radars. The Scorpius-G’s ability to detect and track low-power signals, combined with its wide coverage capability, allow the system to create a comprehensive and accurate Electronic Warfare System.
Scorpius has a flexible, modular architecture based on the use of software. The control unit, which handles the processing and control of all ESM and ECM functions, is easily updated as new radar threats (aircraft, ship and ground) are introduced, including fire control radars, search radars and SAR radars.
Scorpius-G can be mounted on a tactical all-terrain vehicle, thus allowing the system to be flexibly deployed to support manoeuvre operations. A fixed base version is also available for installation at critical points and infrastructure. Multiple systems can be deployed, in network mode, to cover larger and more complex areas. Therefore, the system can play an important role in air defence, enhancing the effectiveness of anti-aircraft systems.
Scorpius-N is designed for ships. It consists of four conveniently positioned panels, for all ESM and ECM functions, ensuring minimal effect on the ship’s radar cross section (RCS).
Scorpius’ highly developed multi-link management capabilities enable it to effectively counter multiple, radar-based threats by providing a protective canopy around ground-based assets. In addition, the system can effectively attack the new generation of radar systems used to provide target data to weapons. Scorpius is fully compatible with leading air defence systems, land and naval. In fact, the advanced capabilities of the system significantly reduce the workload of air defence systems, keeping their capabilities intact for other engagements.
With high and robust wideband multi-receiver detection, tracking, multi-threat jamming capabilities and a flexible software-based architecture, Scorpius offers cost-effective defence capabilities against today and tomorrow’s air, land and sea threats.
The ability to provide customers around the world with solutions that change operational data at the tactical and strategic level, such as Scorpius, is a key factor that makes ELTA Systems a leader in advanced defence electronics.

About the Author
Baadshah Chatterjee is the Director and Owner of Royale Construction since 2016 and is a Research Analyst in TRK News Kashmir since 2020. He Tweets at @Baadshah_gp1609. The views expressed are personal.
Effects of Russia-Ukraine War on Western Europe
By: Abhyuday Saraswat, Research Analyst, GSDN

The Russia-Ukraine War, which began in 2014 with annexation of Crimea, has had a significant impact on Western Europe in several ways. And with continued aggression and Russia’s “Special Military Operation” launched on February 24, 2022 it has affected both political, military and economic relations between the countries in the region and the world.
Political Relations
The Russia-Ukraine War has had a profound impact on political relations in Western Europe. The conflict has created deep divisions between countries in the region, with some nations supporting Russia’s actions while others vehemently condemn them. Poland and the Baltic states have been particularly vocal in their criticism of Russia, while Italy and Greece have taken a more supportive stance. These divisions have caused significant tension between countries, making it challenging for them to reach a consensus on how to respond to the conflict. As a result, the unity of the European Union has been undermined, which was already facing challenges due to the rise of nationalism and the refugee crisis.
The consequences of this conflict have been far-reaching, with political relations between countries in Western Europe being severely impacted. It is essential for nations to come together and find a way to resolve their differences to prevent further damage to the region’s political stability.
Food Crisis
Wheat, barley, maize and cooking oil are major exports from Ukraine and Russia, mainly to nations in Africa and the Middle East. A compromise was mediated by Turkey and the UN last summer to allow Ukrainian grain to transit via Black Sea ports, but it appears that Russia is still impeding shipments. In addition, Russia is a significant producer of petroleum and fertiliser. In addition to raising food and petrol prices and generating shortages in locations like Chad, Tunisia, and Sri Lanka, disruptions to the flow of these items are aggravating other supply chain and climate concerns.
Economic Crisis
The ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has had significant economic consequences for Western Europe. The imposition of sanctions by Western countries in response to Russia’s actions in Ukraine has disrupted trade between Russia and the EU. As a result, countries that rely heavily on trade with Russia, such as Germany, have experienced a decline in exports since the sanctions were put in place. Conversely, countries that have been less impacted by the sanctions, such as Italy, have been able to maintain their trade relationships with Russia.
The economic fallout from the Russia-Ukraine War has been far-reaching, affecting not only the countries directly involved but also their trading partners. The sanctions imposed by Western countries have created a ripple effect throughout the global economy, with businesses and industries in Europe feeling the impact. The decline in exports to Russia has been particularly challenging for Germany, which has traditionally had strong economic ties with Russia. However, other countries have been able to weather the storm more effectively, thanks to their diversified trade relationships.
Despite the challenges posed by the ongoing conflict, Western Europe remains committed to finding a peaceful resolution to the crisis. In the meantime, businesses and industries in the region are adapting to the changing economic landscape, exploring new markets and opportunities to maintain their competitiveness. As the situation continues to evolve, it is clear that the economic ramifications of the Russia-Ukraine War will be felt for years to come.
Refugee crisis
The World Health Organization notes that more than 8 million refugees have left Ukraine, making this “the largest movement of people in the European Region since the Second World War.” Russia has forcibly relocated a lot of people. Resources, including those in Poland and Germany’s hospitals and schools, have been strained by others breaking the back of Poland and European public administration system. The same Poland which was previously unwilling to open its border to the Syrian refugee is opening up its border for Ukrainians which clearly shows its subjugation and discrimination between people of colour.
Anger and Protests
The ongoing conflict, coupled with the recent military build-up by Russian forces on the Ukrainian border, have led to a spate of protests in France and Northern Ireland. Many citizens of these countries view the Russian aggression as a threat to European stability and democracy, and thus express their solidarity with Ukraine through large-scale demonstrations. These protests also reflect broader concerns about geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West, as well as anxieties over the potential for another global conflict. As politicians debate how best to respond to Russian aggression, public protests serve as an important reminder of the urgency and gravity of these issues.
Energy Disruption
The conflict has caused a disruption in gas supplies from Russia to Europe, raising concerns about energy security in the region. Germany is the biggest user of gas in Europe, which receives 40% of its supply from Russia. Despite the sanctions, EU nations continued to buy gas. However, Putin’s punitive cuts have roughly 90% decreased supply. Leaders in Europe charge Moscow with “weaponizing” gas supplies.
With the sabotage of Nord-stream pipeline nothing flows form Russia to Europe making Europe shiver in their last winter and facing energy crisis. As a result, several countries in Western Europe have started exploring alternative sources of energy, such as renewable energy, to reduce their dependence on Russian energy and gas.
This shift towards renewable energy is not only driven by the need to ensure energy security but also by the desire to reduce carbon emissions and combat climate change. The use of renewable energy sources such as wind, solar, and hydro power can significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions and help achieve the goals set out in the Paris Agreement.
The impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on energy security in Western Europe highlights the need for diversification of energy sources and the importance of investing in renewable energy. By doing so, countries can not only ensure their energy security but also contribute to the global effort to combat climate change.
NATO and US
Furthermore, the Russia-Ukraine War has had a significant impact on the security situation in Europe. The conflict has led to increased tensions between Russia and NATO, with both sides conducting military exercises and increasing their military presence in the region. NATO and allies sending weapons to Kyiv and Germany ending its era of pacifism and mass producing for Ukraine. Not only Europe but also Pakistan sending weapons to Ukraine while maintaining relations with Russia is a sign of its hypocrite nature. As a measure of confidence in response to the invasion of Ukraine, Finland joined NATO opposing the previous “Finlandization” by Russia. By doing this, the Western military alliance is extended up to the 800-mile border between Finland and Russia and now NATO is breathing on Russia’s neck.
This has raised concerns about the possibility of a wider conflict, which could have catastrophic consequences for Europe and the world. The war has also highlighted the need for greater cooperation and coordination between European countries in the areas of defence and security.
Takeaway
The ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has had a profound impact on Western Europe, with far-reaching consequences that have affected both politics and society. One of the most visible effects of the war has been the surge in the number of migrants and refugees seeking safety in Europe. As violence and instability continue to grip Ukraine, many people have been forced to flee their homes and seek refuge in neighbouring countries.
This influx of refugees has put a significant strain on Western European countries, many of which are already struggling to cope with the ongoing refugee crisis. The resulting tensions have fuelled rising nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiment, which has further exacerbated social divisions and created new challenges for policymakers.
Beyond the social impact, the Russia-Ukraine War has also had significant political and economic consequences for Western Europe. The conflict has disrupted trade and raised concerns about energy security, as many European countries rely heavily on Russian gas imports. Additionally, the ongoing conflict has created political divisions within the European Union, with some countries advocating for a more aggressive stance towards Russia while others seek to maintain diplomatic relations.
Despite these challenges, the conflict also highlights the importance of cooperation and unity among Western European countries. As the situation in Ukraine continues to evolve, it is clear that the conflict will continue to have significant consequences for Europe for years to come. By working together and finding common ground, however, Western European countries can help to mitigate the impact of the conflict and build a more stable and prosperous future for all.