The present turmoil and state of unrest in Tunisia has prevailed from the time President Kais Saied came into power in 2019. Rising inflation, unemployment, poverty due to his form of authoritarian government has left the country in crises lately. Saied’s coup has resulted the Tunisian mass to come down to the streets and protest. There is famine, inflation rising exponentially and shortage of food supply.
Similar disparity in 2011
This is not the first time the country is witnessing such an inflation. The same state of turmoil was seen in Tunisia twelve years back when the country was controlled by the dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. The angry, outrageous Tunisian mob was catalysed by the event of a fruit seller who had burnt himself to protest against the corrupted officers.
Today’s scenario in Tunisia is similar to that of Jasmine Revolution of 2011. Civil unrest, civil resistance, food inflation, corruption, high cost of living, protest of the labour union in opposition to autocratic rule was an integral part of the protest. Disparity was appalling. People were unemployed, the qualified people had to do menial work and people were repressed.
The situation did not seem to have improved. There were corrupted officials who were the beneficiaries along the dictator Ben Ali and his family. The economic and social condition in Tunisia under Ben Ali was grim, the people were enraged. The situation was sparked on 4 January 2011. Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vendor, was harassed by the officers of the Municipality and was frequently asked to pay bribes. On 17 December 2011, Mohamed was harassed and beaten publicly for not carrying permit as a street vendor. In order to protest against the corrupted officers, he set himself ablaze.
On 11January 2012, Mohamed Bouazizi succumbed to the injuries. This day is said to have the marked the Arab Spring in Tunisia. The Jasmine Revolution was characterised by mass protests, civil resistance and finally the overthrow of the authoritarian government of Ben Ali who had captured the power position in 1987. Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia.
Regressive policies by Kais
Today, Tunisia under Saied, faces the same political and economic tumult. After Kais Saied’s power grab, he has introduced several repressive political measures in order to enjoy the beneficiaries alone like changes in electoral system, constitution, judiciary system, evisceration of right of Tunisian women.
After Kais coup, he got unchecked powers. The Presidential system gave the dictator the prerogative to constitutionalise new laws in judiciary, freedom of press expressions and organisation of political parties. He had suspended the 2014 Constitution and set up the presidential form of government where the power will be confined only in the presidential decree. Under this system the powers and authority vested have no limit and was not time bound. That means this authoritative government can be in power until it is overthrown by public like the Tunisian Revolution in 2011 where Ben Ali was removed from unchecked powers through mass protests and civil resistance.
He introduced a new presidential system replacing the prevailing system, holding the president as the absolute figure. All the executive power was vested in one hand. He also intervened in the judicial system of the country and further suspended the High Judicial Court. Saied had set up a judicial body again, the power to appoint and the dismiss the judicial officers was granted to him. Again, unreasoned restrictions on travel, freedom of expression and press has been imposed.
The new constitution has foisted arbitrary restrictions on women, on their religious precepts. The women are not entitled to inherit property under the new constitution.
The new presidential system has brought doom. Without paying heed to the economic crisis and instability, President Saied has been passing racist remarks on the illegal immigration of people from the Sub-Saharan region. This is thought to be a tactics of President Saied to divert the ragging people’s attention from the current crises prevailing in Tunisia. The dictator’s anti-migration remarks have made the situation more sensitive and explosive. He has started hate speeches against the immigrants.
According to the National Institute of Statistics, one-third of the Tunisian youth is unemployed. The situation got worse during the Covid 19
Since Tunisia is such a country that is highly dependent upon tourism which has come to a standstill due to skeletal flight service.
Ever since Kais’ coup and the beginning of 2023, a number of leaders from the opposition parties have been arrested. People came down on the streets to protest against the corrupted authorities and blocked roads. The authorities, in order to retaliate, deployed armed forces and have arrested many individuals till date.
Space dominance is starting to emerge as a critical factor in the quickly changing world of combat that determines military success. The capacity to manage and utilize resources and technologies associated with space will significantly impact how war is fought in the future. The “Militarization of Space” has received much attention in the media during the last few years, even though the concept is not new. Even if a space conflict sounds like something out of science fiction, we should consider it. Its impact on everyone on Earth, as well as the ramifications for future human space travel, would be catastrophic. Much of this debate has been fueled by the formation of the United States Space Force, the re-establishment of the United States Space Command, and the acknowledgment of space as a new area for fighting wars. With the deployment of everything from nuclear weapons to kamikaze satellites into orbit, space has become the most recent battlefield to experience extensive militarization. Space dominance may now be up for grabs due to what was once merely a two-horse competition between the US and USSR, with severe geopolitical repercussions for the Earth.
However, we need to understand why space has recently emerged as a new topic of discussion. We must look at the history of warfare and human activities in the space.
WAR THEORY
As Clausewitz puts it, “War is an act of force used to compel our adversary to obey our will,” technological advances have opened up new areas, such as space and cyber, to help us achieve these goals.
Many people are familiar with Sun Tzu (544-496 BC), an ancient Chinese military expert, and his masterpiece ‘The Art of War,’ which he authored while researching classical military methods and tactics. Modern space combat still follows these old rules. Applying these concepts to a space warfare strategy alone might be necessary for a future space fight because space warfare theory is still in its infancy. Warfare experts know the best way to win is to exploit an adversary’s perceived vulnerabilities. According to Sun Tzu, winning a battle is attacking the weak points while avoiding the strong ones.
As we consider space and cyberspace as new arenas of combat, we must remember that these notions apply to all human conflicts. War is a struggle of the wills between two opponents, and historically, these conflicts have occurred wherever people live and work.
EVOLUTION OF SPACE DOMAIN
The advancement of Cold War-era technologies and the “space race” culminated in our current capabilities. The development of each country’s rocket technology and, finally, intercontinental ballistic missiles, which permitted nuclear weapons to be deployed over long distances with little warning, increased animosity between the two countries. These innovations influenced the Cold War and the advancement of each country’s space program. President Dwight D Eisenhower prioritized intelligence collection to get insight into the Soviet Union while developing the US initial space strategy. Following the launch of the Soviet Union’s Sputnik satellite, which established the first space rule of unfettered overflight in outer space, the US initiated the CORONA program.
As the US and USSR fought it out for dominance in space, both countries worked to create several space weapon systems in addition to their intelligence capabilities, like Starfish Prime, the first high-altitude nuclear explosion test conducted by the US and the Soviet Union’s fractional orbital bombardment system, which intended to enable nuclear bombing from orbit, both took place in the 1960s.
Space has great potential for scientific and technological advancement and economic prosperity. Globalized society is becoming increasingly reliant on the Space system, and Japan is taking part in the Artemis Program, led by the United States, to explore lunar space. China, which wants global economic leadership, is also pursuing cislunar space exploration and is anticipated to collaborate with Russia. Through the creation and use of pertinent technology, non-military competition for growing resources in space has already started. Space systems’ vulnerability will decrease due to advances in quantum computing, ICT, and other similar technologies.
In space, a cold war is being waged. Regarding technological growth, the balance of power has also begun in space. Space power can be defined as space operations dependent on leadership, but a constant shift in leadership may jeopardize a state’s space future. Like sea and airpower researchers, space academics believe that “who controls space controls the world,” and the US does not want to relinquish its hegemony. The United States is extending its hegemony to outer space to sustain its hegemonic status.
The United States is working hard to retain its worldwide dominance in space, as it has in other defense sectors. Space is a growing medium of warfare, and states such as the United States, China, Russia, and India are investing in it to become space powers. The land has been employed since the dawn of human civilization and is also the earliest combat medium. Like land power, air and sea power have evolved over the period. Initially, the public was unaware that the sea might be used for military purposes, primarily air as a combat medium. Still, as time passed, they were introduced with more advanced capabilities.
Space, like the sea and the air, is a growing medium for conflict in the modern world. Future battles are more likely to occur in space, given how nations, particularly the US, have invested in that sector for decades. We must anticipate that battle of any type in the future will definitely, stretch into space; we must modify the way we think and eventually prepare for it, according to US Secretary of the Air Force Heather Wilson. Regarding strategies, philosophies, and technology deployed, such as GPS and other satellite technologies, the first Gulf War in 1991 is considered an actual use of space power. In the first Gulf War, the US used space-based technology, and Operation Desert Storm led to the devastation of the Iraqi force. ISR also shows space capacity, allowing policymakers and specialists to gather data to prepare for the future and make decisions. The Gulf War demonstrated how reliant on space conventional forces are.
The United States announced its first National Space Strategy in 2018, recognizing that its opponents have transformed space into a battlefield. The Sputnik crisis in October 1957 sparked the space race between the United States and the Soviet Union. Recently, a rising number of governments pursued military uses of space. In January 2007, China conducted an anti-satellite obliteration test utilizing anti-satellite weaponry (ASAT), ushering in the post-Cold War age of space warfare. In response to an anticipated scenario in the Taiwan Strait, China sought to develop asymmetric capabilities in space and cyberspace.
The test generated a lot of space debris and drew harsh criticism worldwide. Even though the Cold War saw the military employ space for decades, neither the United States nor the Soviet Union conducted this testing since reckless physical attacks may severely impact all space operations. China which is pursuing an asymmetric warfare strategy has entered this “sanctuary,” forcing the United States to acknowledge the weakness of its space system.
Over the years, the race for space supremacy has increased. In March 2019, India conducted an anti-satellite weapon test, while in April, Iran launched its first military satellite. The Chinese PLA developed the Strategic Support Force in its 2015 reorganization, which addresses space, cyber, and electromagnetic spectrum issues. In the same year, Russia established an independent Space Force. In reaction to advance these advancements, France launched the Space Command in September 2019, and the United States founded the Space Force in December 2018.
The conflict in space is inescapable in the present world, given how things are going. Dual use of space and many satellites might lead to military warfare in the area, which could have catastrophic implications for life on Earth. The current state of the space race makes war and conflicts in space likely. The ongoing space weapons competition is concerning because it may be used as a battlefield. States in space are increasingly competing with one another. The US’s efforts to develop a space army as they expanded their ground troops to conquer the planet demonstrate their goals to establish hegemony.
The previous President Trump’s Space Directive-4, the development of fighter planes equipped with lasers as space weapons, and the deployment of nuclear weapons into orbit are all part of the US “Full Spectrum Dominance” strategy. The “Full Spectrum Dominance” mission calls for having military dominance over land, sea, and air resources and a fourth, specialized medium of conflict. The United States has militarized space because it is used to guide ships and weapons. However, their new philosophy for weaponizing space is to gain dominion over space and satellites, which violates the 1967 Outer Space Treaty (the treaty prohibited space weaponization and militarization). The United States and the United Kingdom’s Ministry of Defence stated that “economies increasingly rely on the space-based warfare system, including nuclear weapons, might be deployed by 2050.
As everyone knows, a full-fledged space war would be dangerous for contemporary society. However, it is possible to forecast that the next fight may contain erratic strikes like cyber-attacks. Several incidents have involved satellite hacking, notably the NASA Climate Satellite, in 2007 and 2008. However, no serious harm has been documented compared to cyber assaults and hacking satellites, valuable tools for attackers. They target satellites equally if they strike another satellite in their orbit. Targeting the enemy in space is done with the use of cyberattacks.
Spying also takes place in space. Spy satellites are being used by the US, China, and Russia to monitor the enemy in space. One state can track any military activity of its adversary using GPS and other satellites, which aids in the early detection of impending danger or assault from your enemy.
CONCLUSION
However, there remains to be uncertainty regarding space combat’s philosophy, doctrine, methods, and tactics in the near future. Conflicts in space will occur because space is too vital to stay as a sanctuary. At the same time, great power rivalry continues, regardless of whether you believe in space combat or are frantically attempting to prevent it. On Earth, battles are occurring. Wars in space are possible but would result in fewer losses than protracted battles on the ground because space is too closely tied to how the combat on Earth will ultimately turn out. On the other hand, protecting our national interests in this field and improving our understanding and communication regarding space warfare is essential.
Although India achieved independence in 1947, it had longstanding connections with the world dating back to ancient times. Its ancient civilization established significant ties with other civilizations such as Greece and Egypt. However, it truly embarked on its independent journey following its liberation from British rule in 1947, which unfortunately resulted in the division of the country into two parts.
Consequently, India had to confront numerous challenges in adapting to the realities of the post-World War II global order. The war had ushered in a new world order that divided the world into two blocs. Therefore, the foremost challenge for Indian foreign policy makers was to determine which bloc India should align with.
However, the foreign policy makers chose otherwise and strictly adhered to the policy of non-alignment by refusing to join either block. Learning from its experiences, India wanted to remain aloof from the world powers to protect its hard-earned independence. But after the end of the Cold War, India carefully adjusted its foreign policy and built close links with the United States of America and other powers of the world. It had developed close relations with China during the early 1950s eventually sabotaged by the Chinese aggression of 1962. During the India Pakistan conflict of 1971 India signed a friendship treaty with the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) which led to a close cooperation between the two countries and was not disturbed by the collapse of USSR.
While the position of India in the international structure remains formidable, it is also faced with numerous challenges from its neighbours like China and Pakistan. To counter the threats posed by them, New Delhi has adopted an independent foreign policy carefully designed without irking any great powers.
To understand the independence of India’s foreign policy this paper uses the case study method and delves with the cases of Quad and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the Indian participation. The main argument of this paper is that India’s foreign policy is realistic and is formulated keeping its national interests in view. The membership of Quad and SCO enhance its independence.
In order to understand India’s foreign policy and its independence, we first need to look what does independence of foreign policy entail.
Each state formulates foreign policy to meet specific goals in the international field. That policy is not solely dependent on the wishes and consciences of policy makers. Foreign policy leaders have to decide on foreign policy issues after many considerations. They are influenced by many elements. The factors that influence foreign policy are called the determinants of foreign policy.
To a large extent these factors determine whether the foreign policy of a country is independent or it is constrained by any external factors.
Indian foreign policy has been shaped by the civilisational history of more than 3500 years, the independence struggle of 200 years, the ideology of its founding fathers, geography, economy and the contemporary conditions.
In the ancient times India was in contact with other civilizations of the world. It remained nonaligned during the cold war, sort close relationship with both the superpowers of the cold war and “crossed the Rubicon” at the turn of the 21st century.
India and the Quad
The 4 democratic countries vis India, Japan, Australia and the United States having found a common ground in the form of democracy came together to form this grouping in order to support the common interest of unhindered maritime trade and security. The group of these countries aims to ensure that the Indo-Pacific region remains free from any security issue, open for all the regional players and all the countries in this region prosper. The idea of Quad was first mooted by late Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe in 2007. However, the idea could not be materialized as Australia pulled out of it, apparently due to Chinese pressure. Finally in 2017, India, Australia, the US and Japan, came together and formed this “quadrilateral” coalition.
The primary objectives of this group included security of the maritime trade, quick response to natural calamities, coercion free Indo-pacific and long-time cooperation on tackling climate change in the region.
Why did India join Quad
As already stated, quad is an important alliance between the four countries who share common vision of countering challenges in this region. In addition to this, India had some specific reasons to join this group. The first among them was the concerns about China’s increasing assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly in the South China Sea. By joining the Quad, India aims to enhance its security and deter any potential threats to its national interests. India wanted to pose a collective challenge to the threatening rise of China.
Secondly, The Indo-Pacific region is vital for India’s economic growth and trade. The Quad members, collectively representing significant economic powerhouses, can collaborate to promote free trade, open markets, and ensure a rules-based order that benefits all member countries.
Thirdly, Quad is an important group to counter global challenge of terrorism. The Quad members share concerns about terrorism and maritime security threats. By joining the Quad, India cooperates with like-minded countries in intelligence-sharing, joint military exercises, and capacity-building initiatives to combat terrorism and ensure freedom of navigation in the region. The fourth reason is precisely to assert its independence of its foreign policy choices. India sees the Quad as an opportunity to deepen its engagement with other regional powers, aligning its strategic interests with those of the United States, Japan, and Australia. The forum provides a platform for dialogue, coordination, and cooperation on various regional and global issues. The fourth point highlights India’s interest in strengthening regional cooperation through its participation in the Quad. By being a member of this group, India identifies itself with the other countries of this region who believe in the principles of free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. Through this alliance India seeks to promote the vision of freedom of navigation, respect for territorial integrity, and peaceful resolution of disputes in this region and the world. Secondly this alliance helps India in deepening its diplomatic engagement in this region. It regularly coordinates with the partners including the discussions on regional and global issues of common interest through high-level meetings, consultations, and strategic discussions. Quad also helps India in multilateral diplomacy. It enhances its diplomatic power by engaging with several countries. It participates in different joint military exercises with other nations, participates in multilateral forums like the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus), and collaborates on various infrastructure and development projects. These initiatives demonstrate the Quad’s commitment to inclusive regional cooperation.
India and the SCO
India became a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on June 9, 2017. The decision to join the SCO was primarily motivated by several factors like regional engagement, economic opportunities, counterterrorism cooperation and geopolitical considerations.
On one side India is cooperating with the countries like USA and Japan through the Quad, while on the other side it is a full-fledged member of SCO where it cooperates with the countries like China and Russia. The geopolitics behind joining SCO was seen as an opportunity for India to expand its diplomatic presence in the region and balance its relationships with major powers. The SCO serves as a platform for dialogue and engagement with countries like China, Russia, and Central Asian nations, allowing India to assert its interests and contribute to shaping regional dynamics. The first important reason of participating in the SCO is about balancing the relationship between the great powers. Quad, which is dominated by USA is facing a mounting challenge from the rising China. India has a close relationship with the US and China is its neighbour. Therefore, it neither wants to shift away from the US nor irk China.
To balance the relationship, India joined the multilateral organisation of SCO. The SCO provides India with an opportunity to expand its diplomatic presence and influence in the Eurasian region. As a member, India actively participates in SCO meetings, summits, and working groups, contributes to discussions on various regional issues. This enables India to assert its interests, promote its foreign policy priorities, and enhance its regional profile. In addition to this, China is slowly gaining favours in the South Asian region. In order to keep that in check India needs to counter its influence in this region. SCO not only helps in engaging with China and Russia, but it also enables India to foster its diplomatic ties with other Central Asian countries. The SCO provides India with greater access to the resources, markets, and economic opportunities in Central Asia. India’s interest in energy cooperation, trade diversification, and connectivity projects aligns with the potential offered by the region. By participating in SCO initiatives and mechanisms, India can deepen economic engagement with Central Asian countries and tap into the region’s potential for trade and investment.
Independent nature of India’s foreign policy
India’s foreign policy is generally guided by its national interests, strategic objectives, and the principles of non-alignment and strategic autonomy. India has pursued an independent foreign policy since its independence in 1947. While India maintains relationships with various countries and engages in regional and international forums, it strives to maintain its independence and make decisions that it deems best for its own national interests.
Multi-alignment is one of the basic features of India’s modern foreign policy. It strongly opposes any sort of arm-twisting by any power. It engages with a range of countries by focusing on its own national interests. India maintains strategic partnerships and engages in dialogue with various countries, including the United States, Russia, China, Japan, and European nations, among others. This approach allows India to diversify its relationships and leverage different opportunities. Take for example one member country of Quad and SCO respectively. India has a strategic relationship with the United States of America and Russia. These relations are time-tested and are based on shared interests and mutual cooperation. While both U.S. and Russia are in a conflicting relationship with one another, India enjoys sweet relations with them by focusing on its own national interests.
India is committed to the strategic autonomy of its foreign policy. This means it believes in not closely aligning with any particular country or bloc such that its national interests are compromised. This approach helps it in making its own assessment of the international situations and take decisions based on its own understanding. As analysed in the Quad and SCO, it can be argued that India engages with diverse countries to advance its own interests. This approach also helps in managing potential differences. India places a high value on its sovereignty and independence in decision-making. It aims to protect and promote its national interests while respecting the sovereignty of other nations. India’s pursuit of strategic autonomy enables it to maintain control over its own destiny, set its foreign policy priorities, and navigate international affairs in a manner that aligns with its national values and aspirations.
Balancing the relationship between Quad and SCO
India while enjoying close relations with diverse countries needs to walk a tightrope to balance its relations with Quad and SCO. Till now India has been successful in managing this situation. India firstly focuses on diverse objectives of Quad and SCO. Both the groupings have varying objectives. Quad focuses on regional security, maritime cooperation, and promoting a free and open Indo-Pacific, while SCO aims to enhance regional connectivity, engagement on counterterrorism, and economic cooperation. India cooperates with both groups realising their different objectives and opportunities they offer. Secondly, India carefully analyses its engagement with both Quad and SCO by ensuring that it does not become dependent on any of the group. It makes sure its national interests are not compromised while participating in these groups. Thirdly India actively engages with both the Quad and the SCO, seeking areas of cooperation and convergence.
In the Quad, India collaborates with like-minded countries to enhance regional security, maritime domain awareness, and infrastructure development. In the SCO, India participates in various mechanisms to contribute to regional connectivity, counterterrorism efforts, and economic cooperation. By engaging with both groups, India can leverage the strengths and opportunities presented by each forum. Fourthly, present age is the age of connectivity. For India both Quad and SCO are important to enhance its connectivity with both central Asian and the Indo-Pacific region. Quad and SCO provide India with the opportunity to connect with both the regions of the world.
Conclusion
Engagement with the Quad and the SCO demonstrates India’s flexibility and pragmatism in foreign policy. India assesses the opportunities and challenges presented by these groups and engages with them based on its own interests and the evolving geopolitical dynamics. This approach allows India to adapt to changing circumstances, pursue its national priorities, and maintain its independence in decision-making. The participation in such opposing groups and diverse countries reflects India’s growing independence in its foreign policy choices. It cooperates with Quad and SCO to foster its own economic, strategic, geopolitical and other national interests. Therefore, it is safe to conclude that Indian foreign policy is independent and is clearly visible through its participation in the groups like the Quad and the SCO.
The water crisis in Uruguay is a pressing issue that requires immediate attention by both the government and the international community. Due to the country’s geographical location, Uruguay faces a unique set of challenges in managing its water resources, which in turn has significant geopolitical implications. The stated water deficit is the result of a severe drought that has affected the whole country of Uruguay and is caused by a lack of rain. According to most sources, Montevideo’s present stocks of fresh potable water will last around 18 days under current conditions. According to authorities, Uruguay’s water shortage is the worst in 74 years. It is harming thousands of families and causing poor water quality.
Backdrop
Uruguay is situated in the La Plata basin, which is shared by Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay. This region is prone to extreme weather events, including droughts, floods, and storms, which have a significant impact on water availability and quality. In recent years, Uruguay has experienced severe droughts, which have led to the depletion of its water resources, affecting both urban and rural areas. The situation is further exacerbated by climate change, which is expected to increase the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events.
Root problem
Two critical reservoirs in the nation have been drained to the point that salt levels are now more than double what the World Health Organisation recommends. As a result, the government has begun introducing salty water into the public water supply. As a result, Uruguay’s tap water has grown too salty to drink. The situation is critical, and residents have begun a search for subterranean water.
According to the state water provider Obras Sanitarias del Estado (OSE), water levels in the Paso Severino reservoir, which supplies more than half of Uruguay’s 3.5 million inhabitants, are at “historical lows,” at roughly 10% of capacity.
According to the most recent statistics, it contains around 6.2 million cubic metres of water, which is significantly less than the monthly average of 60 million. Every day, around 650,000 cubic metres are required to feed the capital.
Due to dwindling fresh water reserves in the country’s major reservoir, the public water corporation was compelled to mix supplies with water from the River Plate estuary in late April, resulting in extremely high levels of sodium and chlorides.
Geopolitical Implications
The water crisis in Uruguay has significant implications for the country’s geopolitical position. Uruguay is heavily dependent on hydropower, with over 80% of its electricity coming from hydroelectric plants. The depletion of water resources has had a severe impact on the country’s energy security, leading to power shortages and blackouts. This has not only affected the day-to-day lives of Uruguayans but has also had implications for the country’s economy, which is heavily reliant on energy-intensive industries such as agriculture and manufacturing.
This small, prosperous South American country is not alone in its suffering. Historically hot and dry temperatures are wreaking havoc on crops and rattling economies throughout the Southern Cone. In the face of global climate change, the area is warming faster than the rest of the world. Precipitation decreased to half the average over the latter four months of 2022, the lowest amount in 35 years.
Furthermore, the water crisis in Uruguay has implications for the country’s relations with its neighbours. As the La Plata basin is a shared resource, any actions taken by one country can have a significant impact on the others. For example, the construction of dams or other water infrastructure in Argentina or Brazil can affect the flow of water downstream, which in turn can affect Uruguay’s water resources. This has led to tensions between Uruguay and its neighbours, with disputes over water usage and management.
The issue is rampant in Barrio Nuevo Amanecer, Sosa’s neighbourhood on the outskirts of Montevideo. In a country where the drinking water is regarded as among the finest in the world, the expense of purchasing bottled water is straining family budgets.
Crisis Management
The Uruguayan water problem has had a variety of geopolitical ramifications. To address the water crisis in Uruguay, the government has taken a number of steps, including investing in water infrastructure, promoting water conservation, and encouraging the use of alternative energy sources. However, more needs to be done, both domestically and internationally, to ensure the sustainable management of water resources in Uruguay and the wider La Plata basin.
The government is currently subsidising bottled water in Montevideo and other cities after a three-year drought caused the South American country’s greatest drinking water crisis in at least a half-century. According to Public Health Minister Karina Rando, officials are recommending pregnant women and others suffering from certain chronic conditions avoid drinking tap water. The government declared that it will increase welfare payments for pregnant women, children, and the sick for 30 days in order for them to purchase two litres of bottled water each day.
The water crisis in Uruguay is a complex issue that requires a coordinated response from the government, civil society, and the international community. The crisis has significant geopolitical implications, affecting not only Uruguay but also its neighbours in the La Plata basin. To ensure the sustainable management of water resources in the region, it is essential that all stakeholders work together to develop innovative solutions that address the challenges posed by climate change and extreme weather events.
The situation has served as a wake-up call for Uruguayans, who are accustomed to hearing about water shortages on the worldwide news rather than on their doorstep. National elections will be held next year, and the crisis gives an opportunity for change. Given the present public uproar, water quality and conservation will be top-of-mind issues in the next elections, with political parties across the board under pressure to give real remedies.
Kosovo has been in the news recently because of the violent clashes that took place between the ethnic Serbs and the Albanian police. Kosovo has been a disputed area between the Serbs and Albanians. Kosovo declared itself an independent nation in 17 February 2008 and almost 100 countries have formally recognised the independence of Kosovo, but Serbia has not accepted it. They consider Kosovo to be part of their area despite the ethnic ratio of the nation. Kosovo has around 96% of Albanians and only 4% of Serbians living there. This has come out as a disadvantage to Serbia as the majority population wants to be independent from Serbia. This article seeks to understand the history behind the instability in Kosovo and its present-day scenario.
Where is Kosovo and why is it a disputed area? A Historical background
Kosovo is a small, isolated country in the Balkans in southern-eastern Europe. Its neighbours are Albania, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Montenegro. Many believe it to be the origin of the Serb people. However, only 6% of Kosovo’s 1.8 million residents are Serbian, compared to 92% of Albanians. The others are Turks, Gorans, Bosniaks, and Roma.
Kosovo was part of the Serbian Empire and then the Ottoman Empire during the Middle Ages, because of which the country has been influenced by so many cultures and religious practices. With the rise of nationalism in the Balkan region in the 19th and 20th centuries, the Ottoman Empire collapsed and it led to the formation of independent sovereign states like Serbia and Albania.
Serbia was one of the six republics that became part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia after the Second World War. Kosovo was also part of it as an autonomous province. Yugoslavia was faced with political and economic turmoil in the 1980s and 1990s which set off racial tensions. Slobodan Milosevic, the leader of Serbia, abolished Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989, setting off protests amongst the ethnic Albanian population. Early in the 1990s, as Yugoslavia started to fall apart, Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina all proclaimed their independence, starting the Yugoslav Wars.
The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (made up mostly of Serbian forces) and the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), a paramilitary group of ethnic Albanians fighting for Kosovo’s independence, engaged in combat during the Kosovo War.
This led to the displacement of thousands of people as well as loss of lives too. There were also reports of human rights violations reported during the war and events of ethnic cleansing also took place. When the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) launched a military operation against Yugoslav objectives in 1999, Milosevic was eventually forced to remove Yugoslav soldiers from Kosovo.
Following the conflict, NATO forces were tasked with keeping security in the area while Kosovo was placed under United Nations (UN) administration.
Numerous attempts have been initiated to solve the problems peacefully, such as the discussions that happened between Kosovo and Serbia encouraged by the European Union in 2011. The conversation was to restore matters and resolve issues related to shared interests, this led to the signing of a few agreements, such as the creation of the Association of Serb-majority municipalities and integrated border management.
However, tensions between Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian majority and the Serb minority, who live there, continue, especially in the northern half of the nation. Political, economic, cultural, and historical resentments between the two sides add to the difficulty of the issue.
Kosovo War and NATO
In 1989, the leader of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, altered the ruling of Kosovo to Belgrade, which was Serbia’s capital. This led to a lot of tensions between Serbs and Kosovar Albanians in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Milosevic’s policy of ethnic cleansing led to large scale displacement of refugees both inside and outside the region.
In 1999, many diplomatic decisions and talks were set forward but the failure of all these led to NATO intervening. NATO launched an air campaign to halt the humanitarian crisis that was spreading over Kosovo. The mission was called ‘Operation Allied Force’ and it started on 24 March 1999 and then later was suspended on 10 June 1999 and it lasted for a total of 78 days. On 10 June 1999, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia withdrew military, police and paramilitary forces and accepted deployment of an international civil and security presence.
Despite many strains, NATO held together the war for 78 days and at first the targets were the air defences of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, then gradually NATO is said to have made use of advanced and precision- guided technology in order to avoid civilian casualties.
NATO deployed a multinational peacekeeping force called the Kosovo Force, whose members belong to NATO members as well as non-member countries, to provide a security mechanism for Kosovo. They also gave humanitarian aid in the region by delivering aid, helping refugees and displaced people.
NATO still maintains its role as the peacekeeping force in Kosovo and continues to maintain Kosovo Force. Its main role is to essentially maintain peace and security in the region. NATO works closely with all the authorities, organisations, and institutions in order to contain the security issues in the country. NATO is also said to be involved in capacity building programs as well as initiating dialogues between both nations.
Clashes and Consequences
The relations between the Serbs and the Albanians have been strained for a couple of years now. Recently, with a new election that happened, things escalated. The Serbs have boycotted the elections held in the northern region as the mayors who are elected are Albanians only. The turnout was less than 4%, which triggered protests from the Serbs majority that lived there. These four mayors must then be transported with the help of the Kosovo police to their office. This was met with protests as these elections were boycotted by the local Serbs, which led to the Albanians winning them with less than 4% turnout. The tensions began with the Kosovo police forces raiding the municipality building. The Serbs tried to stop the mayor from taking over the office and the police responded to them with tear gas. The Serbs then staged a protest in front of the municipality buildings, which caused problems between the Serbs and Kosovo peacekeepers and local police.
Prime Minister of Kosovo Albin Kurti and his government officially installed all the elected Albanian mayors without trying to control the situation in Kosovo. The government also ignored calls by the United States and European Union, which have always supported Kosovo’s independence from Serbia since its independence in 2008.
The Kosovo Force explained how it was faced with brutal and unprovoked attacks when they were trying to take control of a hostile crowd as the demonstrators clashed with the police and forced their way inside the government building in Zvecan, a northern town in Kosovo. And at least 30 NATO peacekeeping forces were injured in the protests that aimed at the removal of the newly elected Albanian mayors.
Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic said 52 Serbs were hurt and a few of them seriously injured by gunshots from the Albanian police.
NATO has strongly condemned these unprovoked attacks on the Kosovo Force troops and said how unacceptable the whole situation is now.
While on the other hand, the Serbs are demanding the withdrawal of the Kosovo Police Forces, whose presence seems to cause a problem, as it has ignited protests in northern Kosovo and the Albanian mayors who they do not want as their representatives.
Serbia is backed by its strong ally, Russia, and even during the protests many demonstrations showing clear signs of Russia’s backing were showcased by Serbia. Russia has always supported Serbia on the issue of Kosovo and uses its veto power in the United Nations Security Council to block any decisions that seem to cause problems for Serbia. Russia has trade agreements with Serbia and often invests in its economy and provides them with infrastructure too. Russia also supplies Serbia with arms and ammunition as and when needed. And when issues of diplomacy arise, Russia always favours decisions that hide the interests of Serbia.
This complex dynamics of relationship between Russia and Serbia along with China creates problems during discussions and dialogues in the United Nations. Nations seek out their national interest only and this leads to clashes between various countries and their national policy.
International dialogues are in the need of the hour as clashes are erupting between both sides. The 1999 war was an example of the lengths both nations could go to achieve their national interests. And so, it is essentially important to reach consensus on this problem as soon as possible in order to avoid any problems in the future.
Both Kosovo and Serbia want to be members of the EU and so reaching a consensus on this issue is needed for both by the nations and Serbian intervention in Kosovo would mean a clash with NATO, which could have far-reaching consequences too. Serbia and Kosovo need to reach agreements in a diplomatic way in order to avoid instability in the region.
China’s meeting with Central Asian Countries on May 19, 2023: source Internet
Chinese leader Xi Jinping and the leaders of Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) met in person for the first time in Xi’an, China. This meeting was held on May 19, 2023 and was a part of the China-Central Asia Summit, which has occurred virtually since 2020. Xi’an, historically known as Chang’an, is an essential city in Shaanxi Province and marks the eastern end of the ancient Silk Road. The summit aimed to strengthen the relationship between China and Central Asia. The leaders discussed various issues and areas of cooperation. They emphasized the importance of trust and support among the countries, especially concerning sovereignty, independence, and long-term development. They also highlighted the need for mutual economic development, supported by China’s Belt and Road Initiative. The leaders discussed connectivity, energy cooperation, green innovation, and regional peace. They aimed to build a closer community between China and Central Asia for the benefit of their people.
After the summit, the leaders released a joint statement called the China-Central Asia Xi’an Declaration, which outlined their shared vision for stronger ties. The declaration covered many areas of cooperation, including economics, trade, energy, climate change, and cultural links.
At the Summit, global leaders discussed various issues, including Russia’s role and support for Ukraine. While Russia’s influence in Central Asia is significant, China’s influence is also growing. References to “national independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity” in the declaration were crucial for all the Central Asian countries, and it was not directly aimed at Russia.
The five countries of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) will strengthen people-to-people exchanges in various areas such as sports, archaeology, tourism, medicine, and healthcare. They will focus on the Year of Culture and Arts success for the China and Central Asian Countries, establish culture centers in each other’s countries, promote mutual visits, encourage youth exchanges, and implement the “Cultural Silk Road” program. China will continue to offer government scholarships to young students from Central Asian countries, establish more Luban Workshops and traditional medicine centers in Central Asia, and assist in developing highly skilled individuals.
The five countries are committed to fighting against terrorism, separatism, extremism, drug trafficking, and organized crimes. They will strengthen cooperation in bio-security, cyber-security, and disaster relief areas. They will also support the Afghan people in maintaining security, achieving stability, and rebuilding their country. Together, they aim to create a peaceful Central Asia without conflicts.
The five countries of Central Asia will follow the rules and principles of the United Nations Charter. They will strongly support working together with multiple nations and upholding international laws and norms that govern how countries relate to each other. They aim to ensure fairness and justice in global affairs and make the international order and system of global governance fairer and more equal. All sides have shown their support and readiness to implement initiatives for global development, global security, and the progress of human civilization, recognizing their importance for world peace and development.
China’s Push for Global Leadership
China is actively seeking global leadership, and the summit in Central Asia is a significant step toward that goal. It occurs alongside the G7 meeting and aims to enhance China’s regional influence. This summit holds excellent importance for Beijing.
Central Asia is strategically important for China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, a massive project spearheaded by President Xi Jinping. China is expected to focus on securing agreements for major infrastructure projects during the summit, such as constructing a railway line connecting China, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan worth $6 billion and expanding the gas pipeline linking Central Asia to China. These efforts reflect China’s intensified push to increase its global leadership and expand its economic and geopolitical influence.
Trade and Investment
China plans to enhance trade and investment with Central Asia by upgrading bilateral investment agreements and increasing cross-border freight volume. Chinese-funded businesses in Central Asia will be encouraged to create more jobs, build warehouses, and launch a special train service to promote tourism. To support Central Asian development, China will provide 26 billion yuan ($3.8 billion) in financing support and grants. Two-way trade between China and Central Asia reached a record $70 billion last year, with Kazakhstan leading at $31 billion. China aims to deepen its regional ties for food and energy security.
China intends to accelerate the construction of Line D of the China-Central Asia natural gas pipeline. It also calls for increased oil and gas trade, development of energy cooperation, including new energy sources, and peaceful use of nuclear energy. In the long term, China supports the construction of a cross-Caspian Sea international transport corridor and strengthening transport hubs for China-Europe freight train services.
During this summit, the five countries of Central Asia officially launched the China-Central Asia Summit Mechanism. They have decided that China and Central Asian countries will take turns hosting the summit every two years. The next summit will be held in Kazakhstan in 2025. The countries will further develop this mechanism and establish a permanent office in China. They will focus on transportation, trade, investment, industry, agriculture, energy, customs, and people-to-people exchanges. They are committed to taking solid and practical actions to promote comprehensive and deep cooperation among the six countries. President Xi expressed his satisfaction with the progress made during the summit, considering it a positive beginning for cooperation. He believes that with continued collaboration and determination, China’s relations with Central Asian countries will advance steadily, overcoming challenges like a ship navigating rough seas. This cooperation will bring new energy and vitality to the development and revitalization of all six countries and contribute to peace and stability in the region.
What’s driving China’s stepped-up engagement with Central Asian states?
Several factors drive China’s increased engagement with Central Asian states. Firstly, hosting the summit in Xian, which holds historical significance as the starting point of the ancient Silk Road, allows China to highlight its deep historical connections with the region. China aims to expand regional connectivity and enhance economic ties with Central Asia.
Additionally, China seeks to strengthen its role in security affairs in Central Asia. President Xi Jinping pledged support for enhancing the region’s law enforcement and defense capabilities, aligning with China’s Global Security Initiative. This move positions China to play a more direct role in security and economic matters, especially with Russia facing limitations due to its involvement in Ukraine.
Furthermore, with the United States reducing its presence in the region after withdrawing from Afghanistan, China sees an opportunity to increase its regional influence. Central Asian countries, concerned about Russian irredentism, are looking to China as an alternative security partner.
Overall, China’s stepped-up engagement with Central Asian states reflects its ambition to expand its economic and geopolitical influence and fill the void left by other global powers.
What do Central Asian states want out of their relationship with China?
Central Asian states aim to pursue a “multi-vector” foreign policy that maintains good relations with Russia, China, and the West while avoiding taking sides in the extraordinary power competition. They seek a balanced approach that maximizes their connectivity to the outside world without becoming overly dependent on any single country.
In the past, Russia has dominated security and economic relationships with the region, but with its focus on Ukraine, its influence is shifting. China is gaining geopolitical prominence, but Central Asian countries want to ensure they don’t become overly reliant on China either. They desire productive trade relationships with all their neighbors, respect for their sovereignty, and security assistance that allows for solid self-defense without getting entangled in great power rivalries.
Ultimately, Central Asian states strive for a Goldilocks situation, where they can maintain diverse trade ties, uphold their sovereignty, and receive security support that helps them defend themselves without becoming pawns in the competition between major powers.
Conclusion
So, China’s support for Central Asia is a way to counter the accusations made by the United States about its coercive diplomacy. In simpler terms, China is trying to show that it has friendly and cooperative relationships with other countries in the region to balance the criticism it receives from the United States for its strong-arm tactics in international affairs. By strengthening ties with Central Asian countries, China aims to demonstrate its positive engagement and cooperation in the international arena.
Artificial Intelligence in Defence Sector: source Internet
Artificial Intelligence (AI) has revolutionized every aspect of modern life, including warfare. The use of AI in military operations has become increasingly prevalent in recent years, providing an array of benefits that have transformed the way wars are fought. The use of AI technology in modern warfare has changed the nature of conflict and has greatly increased the effectiveness and efficiency of military operations. In this essay, we will discuss the importance of artificial intelligence in modern warfare and the benefits it provides.
AI has numerous applications in the military, ranging from the automation of routine tasks to the development of autonomous weapon systems. One of the most significant benefits of AI in warfare is its ability to process and analyze vast amounts of data quickly and accurately. With AI, the military can make sense of the enormous amounts of data collected from sensors, satellites, and other sources, allowing them to make more informed decisions.
One application of AI in military operations is in the development of autonomous systems. Autonomous systems are robots or drones that can operate independently without human intervention. These systems are used for a range of tasks, from reconnaissance to combat. They can be equipped with sensors, cameras, and other devices that allow them to gather information and perform tasks with great accuracy. India is using this as a base to increase the surveillance along the Line of Control, as it provides real time inputs, and with reduced cost, it will greatly aid in border surveillance. The recent example of an attack on Moscow using drones shows how it poses a threat to late movers in using AI in modern warfare.
This use of autonomous systems in modern warfare has several advantages. For one, they reduce the risk to human life. In situations where it is too dangerous or difficult for humans to operate, autonomous systems can be used instead. Additionally, they can operate around the clock, without the need for rest or sleep, providing a constant surveillance and defence capability.
Another application of AI in warfare is in the development of predictive analytics. Predictive analytics uses machine learning algorithms to analyze data and make predictions about future events. In military operations, this technology can be used to predict the movements of enemy troops or the likelihood of a particular event occurring. By using predictive analytics, military planners can make more informed decisions and respond to threats more effectively. AI can be used to effectively analyse the inputs that we get from ground level, the use of AI and machine learning can lead to quick differentiation of data, and big data can effectively help in segregating the data, and taking right decisions at right time. As in India’s case the border is very long, by using AI we can use data analysis the filter the data and create a threat perception maps to aid the decision making
AI is also used in the development of cyber warfare capabilities. Cyber warfare involves the use of computer networks and digital systems to attack an enemy’s infrastructure and disrupt their operations. With AI, military planners can develop sophisticated cyber-attack strategies that can penetrate even the most secure systems. Additionally, AI can be used to defend against cyber-attacks by detecting and responding to threats in real-time. The Chinese red hats army cannot be ignored in this, they had attacked the power stations in Mumbai, that led to power outage all over Mumbai for hours, thus crippling the financial capital of India. India has also now started to develop its cyber warfare capability, to deter an adversary who is looking for opportunity to attack our critical information infrastructure. Indian government has created CERT IN teams, to repeal such type of attack.
The use of AI in military operations also extends to logistics and supply chain management. With AI, military planners can optimize supply chain operations, reducing costs and improving efficiency. For example, AI can be used to predict maintenance needs, ensuring that equipment is serviced before it fails. Additionally, AI can be used to optimize transport routes, reducing the time and cost of moving supplies and equipment.
AI is also used in the development of simulation and training systems. Simulation systems use AI to create realistic training environments that simulate real-world scenarios. This allows soldiers to train in a safe and controlled environment, preparing them for the challenges they may face in the field. Additionally, simulation systems can be used to test new equipment and tactics, allowing military planners to evaluate their effectiveness before deploying them in the field.
The AI has potential to lead to a geopolitical flux, as the trade war between USA and China is moving forward. Many MNCs are looking to move away from manufacturing in China. China has been accused of copying the Intellectual Properties and develop the technology that USA has. The use of AI can lead to such more sophisticated attack on the military installations all around the developed world. It will lead to strengthening of cyber security. At present, there is shortage of cyber security professionals, India can fill this gap. But India also needs to develop its cyber security as India is vulnerable to many cyber security threats like Red hat.
The rise of AI in modern warfare would lead to change in the way wars are fought. The information analysis with precision and high speed will lead, to benefits in manifold terms to the first-mover. AI itself can be used to create new super technology, that can open doors to many new technologies that were hitherto unknown to mankind. With AI and the vast amount of data set available, big data technology can be used to predict in change in security systems worldwide. Big data with facial recognition tech can be used for surveillance purpose. It can be used at airport to monitor the movement of criminals, scan the entire data at a faster speed with greater accuracy. It can be used to monitor the movement of illegal goods in the transportation sectors.
While the use of AI in military operations has numerous benefits, it also raises ethical concerns. One of the main concerns is the use of autonomous weapon systems. Autonomous weapon systems are weapons that can operate independently without human intervention. The development and use of these weapons raises concerns about their ability to distinguish between legitimate targets and non-combatants. Additionally, there are concerns about their ability to operate in complex and unpredictable environments, where the risk of collateral damage is high.
Another ethical concern is the use of AI in decision-making. With AI, military planners can make more informed decisions, but there is a risk that decisions may be made solely based on algorithms and data, without taking into account the human element, it can lead to biases and false rights that can escalate a conflict.
The concerns do not end here, there is also an issue of differential power matrix, that exist between the countries. China, USA are world leaders in new technology and FAB production, that creates a gap between the developed and developing world. India has resources, technology, manpower, intent but still we are behind these countries. This, can lead to another arms race, to create a hegemony on AI based modern warfare. Currently, there are no global statutes or laws that can regulate the AI based weapon system. Thus, there is need to develop new laws, conventions, to address the issue that arise on use of AI and also the issues that may arise in near future.
At best, AI would support the Warfare that exist as such in present, and lead to new technologies, and weapons. The warfare that relied on moving tanks, soldiers, would still continue to exist as we have seen in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War. AI can help and aid in decision making and create new weapons system, but the earlier concept of warfare would still be required. The challenge in any warfare is to be prepared for worst case scenarios, and AI can be used in this situation perfectly. It can aid in prior decision making by using data based analysis, scenario generation and save the precious life of soldiers. AI would ultimately define, how power flows in society. The flow of power from the barrel of gun as Mao Zedong suggested, needs to be changed can barrel must be replaced with AI.
Myanmar has been hit hard by the Mocha cyclone on May 14, 2023, leaving many people dead and the toll is said to be on the rise. India has been in the forefront of ensuring a relief operation in place for the citizens of Myanmar. It has launched an operation named ‘Operation Karuna’ to send help and secure goods for the people of Myanmar. Four Indian navy ships arrived to provide supplies to the people, being the first responders to the cyclone-hit nation.
Destruction and Devastation
Myanmar on May 14, 2023 was hit by a cyclone named Mocha. It not only hit Myanmar but parts of Bangladesh too. The cyclone was recorded as a severe one by the Indian Metrological Department and a ‘Super Cyclone’ by the global weather website, Zoom Earth. The storm emerged in the Bay of Bengal and has been recorded as the strongest one in all seasons in the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea since 1982 with a wind speed of 277 kmph. It was named ‘Mocha’ after a suggestion by Yemen.
According to Myanmar’s state broadcaster MRTV, a woman died when a building collapsed in a neighbouring hamlet, and thirteen people were killed when a monastery collapsed in a village in Rathedaung district north of Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine.
The cyclone hit on the weekend, leaving behind a trail of destruction for the people in Myanmar. The Dhaka Tribune reports that 81 people have lost their lives in the cyclone while at least 46 people have died in Rakhine state village of Bu ma and nearby areas of Khaung Doke Kar, which were home to the persecuted Rohingya minority.
The head of Bu Ma village explains how there are hundreds of people missing and homes destroyed. The worst hit regions of Rakhine house the largest refugee camp in the world, the Cox’s Bazaar.
Operation Karuna
India was the first responder to the cyclone hitting Myanmar. Indian navy ships, namely, Indian Naval Ship (INS) Shivalik, INS Kamorta and INS Savitri arrived at Yangon on May 18, 2023 with supplies. The fourth ship arrived on May 19, 2023 and carried food, clothes, tents, essential medicine, sanitary products etc. The supplies were immediately sent to the Rakhine and the worst hit regions.
As a country with principles of morality and ethics, India has always helped its neighbours through such crises and been at the forefront of such issues and leading the region. Even this time, too, India was the first responder to the cyclone hitting Myanmar. The Chief Minister of the Yangon region received the first shipment of Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) supplies from Indian Ambassador Vinay Kumar in Myanmar.
“More than 40 tonnes of HADR materials brought by INS Shivalik, INS Kamorta and INS Savitri included emergency food items, tents, portable generators, clothes, water pumps, medicines, tarpaulins, hygiene and sanitary items, wheel chairs, face masks etc,” by the Indian Embassy in Myanmar. The fourth ship also bought more HADR materials as well as emergency materials.
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said, “India extends a hand of friendship to the people of Myanmar affected by Cyclone Mocha. Operation Karuna is underway. Three Indian Navy ships carrying relief equipment reached Yangon today. A fourth ship will be reaching tomorrow. The ships are carrying emergency food items, tents, essential medicines, water pumps, portable generators, clothes, sanitary and hygiene items, etc. India continues to be the first responder in the region,”.
On May 18, 2023, in the presence of Bo Htay, Mayor of Yangon, Major General Zaw Hein, Yangon Regional Commander, Rear Admiral Naing Min Kyaw, Commander, Naval Training Command, Commodore Kyaw Lin Zaw, Deputy Commander, Central Naval Command, and Captain Thet Win Hlaing, Commander, No. 1 Fleet, Ambassador Shri Vinay Kumar presented the first shipment of HADR materials to Soe Thein, Chief Minister, Yangon
The fleet of four ships is moving a variety of necessities, including consumable and non-consumable goods. Along with 16 medical pallets, the cargo consists of 14 pallets of essential supplies, both food and non-edible. Notably, INS Gharial has a mobile medical facility that can house a fully functional hospital with a 120-bed capacity. The medical pallets include a variety of necessary goods, including intravenous fluids for common infections and ailments, first aid kits, antibiotics, antihistamines, and pain relievers.
The provisions cover a variety of food items, including instant noodles, rice, milk powder, potable water, ready-to-eat meals, high-energy biscuits, Multi Micronutrient Food, cooking oil, sugar, canned fish, canned meat, tea, salt, spices, and other accessories.
The non-food supplies being shipped include tarpaulins, tents, bleaching powder, disinfectant liquid, soaps, detergent powder, hygiene kits, dignity kits, crutches, wheelchairs, chainsaws, paper towels, shirts, pillows, sandals, fuel tanks, solar lamps, generators that are portable, water pumps, and various other necessary supplies.
India- Myanmar Ties
Historical, cultural, and strategic linkages define the complicated and multidimensional relationship between India and Myanmar. Since Myanmar’s independence in 1948, the two nations have maintained diplomatic ties. India and Myanmar have cooperated in a number of areas throughout the years, including trade, security, energy, infrastructure development, and intercultural exchange.
Bilateral ties greatly benefit from economic collaboration. India is a big investor in industries like oil and gas, power, telecommunications, and agriculture, as well as one of Myanmar’s main trading partners. Through projects like the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway, efforts have been made to improve connectivity between the two nations.
Another crucial component of the partnership is security cooperation. Both nations have collaborated to confront shared issues like transnational insurgency, drug trafficking, and arms smuggling. Border security and regional stability are made possible by cooperation between their respective armed forces and intelligence services.
Close links between the two countries have been cultivated through cultural and interpersonal exchanges. Due to historical ties between India and Buddhism, which is practised by a sizeable section of the population of Myanmar, pilgrimage travel between the two nations is very popular. The ties between the people of India and Myanmar have been further enhanced by educational and cultural interactions.
However, the partnership has also encountered difficulties and complexity, particularly because of internal political dynamics in Myanmar and issues with human rights. India has successfully engaged Myanmar while advancing democratic principles and human rights.
The “Act East” policy of India has recently placed a fresh emphasis on improving ties with Myanmar and other Southeast Asian nations. As part of India’s broader regional engagement, this strategy aims to enhance economic connections, foster cultural ties, and increase strategic cooperation with Myanmar.
In general, India and Myanmar keep working to deepen their bilateral ties and explore new opportunities for collaboration while managing the changing regional dynamics and tackling common challenges in a way that is beneficial to both parties.
India’s Foreign Policy and Crisis management
India’s foreign policy, which involves aiding its neighbours, is founded on the ideas of regional cooperation, mutual advancement, and cultivating cordial ties with surrounding nations. The importance of a secure and prosperous neighbourhood to India’s own security, economic development, and regional stability is acknowledged by this policy.
India takes a comprehensive approach to helping its neighbours and engages in numerous forms of collaboration. Giving developmental assistance, which includes funding, infrastructural projects, technical know-how, and capacity-building initiatives, is a crucial component. These programmes seek to aid the socio-economic development of neighbouring nations, encourage inclusive growth, and deal with issues like poverty, inadequate healthcare and education, and weak infrastructure.
India also actively participates in diplomatic initiatives to advance regional peace, stability, and conflict resolution. India works to promote a peaceful and cooperative regional environment by facilitating peaceful resolution to disputes and conflicts between neighbouring nations through dialogue, negotiations, and mediation.
Another essential element of India’s strategy for helping its neighbours is trade and economic cooperation. India wants to improve commercial ties on a bilateral and regional level, encourage international investment, and advance regional economic integration. India actively participates in regional economic cooperation frameworks to promote economic growth and regional integration, such as the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC).
India places a strong emphasis on cultural diplomacy and people-to-people interactions to improve ties with its neighbours. This includes easing simpler travel and visa rules, cultural exchange programmes, educational scholarships, and tourism promotion. Through such projects, the people of India and its neighbours hope to deepen understanding, spread goodwill, and create enduring bonds.
India’s assistance to its neighbours is not just motivated by self-interest; it is also motivated by a feeling of shared history, cultural affinities, and the conviction that regional fates are interwoven. India works to establish an environment that is favourable for group progress, security, and prosperity, benefiting both India and its neighbours, by fostering collaboration, development, and stability in its neighbourhood.
As two of the largest countries in the world, China and India have long been recognised as significant players in the global geopolitical arena. However, in recent years, tensions between the two countries have escalated, leading many to question whether China poses a threat to India. The factors that contribute to this relationship are complex.
Border and Depsang Plain Issue
One of the main issues that has strained the relationship between China and India in recent years is the border dispute between the two countries. The border between India and China is one of the longest in the world, spanning over 4,000 kilometres, and has been a source of tension for decades. Since 1962, the two countries have had a prolonged history of disputed territory. Since then, there have been several skirmishes and standoffs between the two countries, and tensions have remained high. The Depsang Plains, a 972-square-kilometre area at an elevation of over 16,400 feet, continue to be a key source of friction amid the current tensions along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) following the Galwan Valley incident in 2020, with India stepping up its defence and the Chinese expanding their presence in the region. The conflict in Depsang Plain, which is crucial to India both strategically and geographically, predates the present LAC issue. The Depsang Plains are significant because of their position. The eastern Ladakh region, which is also a part of India’s Sub-Sector North, poses the biggest military and strategic danger to the plains.
The Depsang Plains are more of a defensive feature than a strategically important attacking location.
Regional Dominance
Another factor that contributes to the strained relationship between China and India is their competition for regional dominance. Both countries are seeking to expand their influence in the region, and this has led to a series of diplomatic and economic tussles.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a massive infrastructure project that aims to connect Asia, Europe, and Africa, has been viewed with suspicion by India, which sees it as an attempt by China to gain strategic leverage in the region. India’s sovereignty is directly threatened by the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which reaches Pakistan-occupied Kashmir through Gilgit Baltistan’s Karakoram Highway. Not only this, but also in Myanmar, China, under its BRI, has invested to build the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor with strategic infrastructure projects such as roads, railways, and ports that will connect Kunming, China’s Yunnan Province’s capital, to Mandalay and then to Yangon and Kyaukphyu in Rakhine State. Projects like the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway and theKaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project aim to enhance connectivity and trade links between India’s north-eastern region and Southeast Asian countries and tackle the Chinese sphere of influence.
India’s own efforts to expand its influence in the region, such as its Act East Policy, have been met with resistance from China. India has also expanded the domain of its policy to include Pacific Island countries, where China has strategic interests. Act East policy also emphasises enhancing trade and investment ties between India and Southeast Asian countries where China is investing under its BRI. Efforts are being made to promote trade through initiatives like the India-ASEAN Free Trade Agreementand theRegional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.
Economic ties and trade
Despite these tensions, there are also significant economic ties between China and India. China is India’s largest trading partner, and the two countries have significant economic interdependence. India and China have been major trading partners for several years. Bilateral trade between the two countries has grown significantly, reaching a peak of around $92.68 billion in 2020. Although there have been calls for a boycott of Chinese goods and products in India. Moreover, to counter the Chinese manufacturers, the Make in India initiative was taken, which has seen an overwhelming response, in which not only appliances or small products are being made but also the air defence system “Akash”, the light combat aircraft “Tejas,” and the INS Kalvari.
However, there has been a trade imbalance heavily favouring China, with India importing more goods than it exports. The trade deficit has been a persistent concern for India, as it has negatively affected domestic industries. The bilateral commerce between China and India increased by 90.14%, or 12.87% per year on average.
The total value of commerce with China rose by 8.47% annually in 2022 to reach USD 136.26 billion. However, this economic relationship has also been a source of tension, with India accusing China of engaging in unfair trade practises and dumping cheap goods in the Indian market.
Collaborations and Initiatives
Despite the tensions, India and China have continued to engage in various collaborative initiatives. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), a multilateral development bank initiated by China, has seen participation from both India and China. Additionally, the BRICS(Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) forum has provided a platform for discussions on economic cooperation among member countries. G-20 and SCO presidency by India, where China and India are heavy backers of the groupings. But China’s actions of boycotting the meetings of the G-20 held in Kashmir do show the true nature of their hypocrisy, where they are occupying Aksai-Chin, which is a part of Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh.
Threat Perception
So, does China pose a threat to India? The answer is complicated and depends on how one defines “threat.” While there are certainly tensions between the two countries, it is unlikely that China poses an existential threat to India. Both countries are nuclear powers, and a war between them would have catastrophic consequences for the entire region. Furthermore, both countries have demonstrated a willingness to engage in diplomacy and negotiation to resolve their differences.
But there are certainly areas where China’s actions could be viewed as threatening India’s interests. China’s growing influence in the region, particularly through the Belt and Road Initiative, could pose a challenge to India’s own efforts to expand its influence. Similarly, China’s military modernization and growing naval presence in the Indian Ocean could be viewed as a potential threat to India’s security. Ultimately, the relationship between China and India is complex and multifaceted, and any analysis of whether China poses a threat to India must take into account the various factors that contribute to this relationship.
The relationship between China and India is complicated, marked by both cooperation and competition. While tensions between the two countries have escalated since the 1962 Sino-India War, it is unlikely that China will pose an existential threat to India in recent times. However, there are certainly areas where China’s actions could be viewed as threatening to India’s interests, and it is important for both countries to engage in diplomacy and negotiation to resolve their differences and build a stable and peaceful relationship. And if that is not suitable, then in that case of action, India needs to maintain an aggressive and protective stand regarding its territory and policy towards China.
